The News-Times

It’s time for Republican­s to lead (again) on climate

- By Emil Frankel

There are hopeful signs that the Republican Party might be moving away from its near-total denial of climate change and its opposition of measures to mitigate it. Recently, Sen. Lindsay Graham, R-S.C., declared that climate change is real and promised a Republican alternativ­e to the Green New Deal. And Sen. Lamar Alexander, RTenn., has proposed a five-year “new Manhattan Project” to jump-start clean energy developmen­t.

As a lifelong Republican, I hope that these developmen­ts signal a return to the GOP’s affirmativ­e role on environmen­tal issues. Among the things that I have found particular­ly troubling and disappoint­ing about President Trump’s dominance of the GOP has been the party’s rejection of its century-old tradition of leadership on these matters.

It may be hard to remember, but, beginning in the early 20th century with Theodore Roosevelt’s advocacy to conserve wilderness and natural resources, the Republican Party’s commitment to environmen­tal protection has been rich, enduring and long-standing.

Between 1970 and 2000, every significan­t federal law on environmen­tal protection was enacted under a Republican president and with the significan­t support of Republican members of Congress. That includes the establishm­ent of the Environmen­tal Protection Agency, enactment of the National Environmen­tal Policy Act and passage of groundbrea­king clean air and clean water bills. Two of the most distinguis­hed and successful EPA administra­tors — William Ruckelshau­s and William Riley — were appointed by, and served under, Republican presidents. America first engaged with climate issues when President George H.W. Bush sent Riley to Rio de Janeiro in 1992.

The Republican Party has largely walked away from this proud record in recent years. The Trump administra­tion, which is dismantlin­g regulation­s without regard to their purpose or effectiven­ess, has put at risk the safety net of laws and rules that protect public health and the natural and built environmen­t.

Worse, it has rejected the science that underlies an understand­ing of the causes and catastroph­ic risks of climate change — another break with Republican tradition and principles.

All but a handful of scientists acknowledg­e that the climate is changing and that humanity has played a significan­t role in this warming trend. There is also broad scientific agreement about the effects of climate change: rising sea levels, melting polar ice caps, more intense storms, catastroph­ic rainfall, increased flooding and storm surges, longer droughts, and more frequent wildfires.

We are already seeing the effects of climate change: rising sea levels cause flooding in coastal cities like Miami and Norfolk, Va., even on sunny days. In the next few years, many major coastal commercial airports will be underwater in the absence of hugely expensive seawalls and other protective measures.

The human and financial costs of catastroph­ic weather events place almost impossible burdens on federal, state and local government­s. In the face of these realities, the federal government under prior Republican and Democratic administra­tions adopted regulation­s to mitigate the emissions of greenhouse gases, in order to slow rising temperatur­es.

Those regulation­s include strengthen­ed motor vehicle fuel efficiency and emissions standards, which were developed under President George W. Bush and accelerate­d under President Obama. Last year, the Trump administra­tion rolled back those standards and now proposes a weaker version.

Why? Motivated by anti-regulatory rigidity, and influenced by the fossil fuel industry, the Trump administra­tion was determined to delay the introducti­on of technologi­cal innovation­s that would increase fuel efficiency and reduce greenhouse gas emissions from motor vehicles. The predetermi­ned policy goals of the Trump administra­tion drove an analysis that overstated both the safety benefits of the proposed Trump rollback and the costs from introducin­g these more rigorous standards with the 2025 model year.

While I am no fan of “command-and-control” regulatory regimes, there is an important and judicious role for government to play when market forces have proven inadequate to protect public health and safety.

Climate change may represent the greatest threat to public health and safety humanity has ever faced. But, at this critical moment, the Trump administra­tion and Republican congressio­nal leadership have turned away from regulatory and statutory leadership on climate — ceding the issue to Democrats.

It’s time for new leaders to restore the tradition of environmen­tal stewardshi­p that is so central to Republican principles.

Emil H. Frankel served as assistant secretary for transporta­tion policy at U.S. Department of Transporta­tion during the administra­tion of President George W. Bush. From 1991 to 1995 he was commission­er of the Connecticu­t Department of Transporta­tion.

 ?? Getty Images ?? In this file photo taken on Oct. 15, 2018, damaged buildings are seen from a helicopter as President Donald Trump and First Lady Melania Trump tour damage from Hurricane Michael on the Florida Panhandle.
Getty Images In this file photo taken on Oct. 15, 2018, damaged buildings are seen from a helicopter as President Donald Trump and First Lady Melania Trump tour damage from Hurricane Michael on the Florida Panhandle.

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