The News-Times

State budget process not always easy to grasp

- By Alan Calandro Alan Calandro is an unaffiliat­ed voter and former director of Connecticu­t’s nonpartisa­n legislativ­e Office of Fiscal Analysis, former Chief of Staff at the University of Connecticu­t and writer on Substack.

My parents, born and raised in Bridgeport, always sang the praises of the city. But having spent most of my adult life working at the Capitol, I can attest that Hartford does not really consider Fairfield County part of Connecticu­t. “It’s a New York suburb!” is often heard, despite it containing Bridgeport as the largest and among the poorest cities in Connecticu­t. This has manifested itself in Bridgeport getting short shrift from the Capitol.

It is important that people downstate understand how the state budget process works in Hartford. It is hard to participat­e and get a fair shake if the process is unknown.

Prior to 1969, Connecticu­t’s legislatur­e met only in odd numbered years with two-year budgets. When it decided to meet annually in 1970, annual budgeting came along with it. Connecticu­t reinstitut­ed a biennial budget in 1991 along with the income tax. Although this requiremen­t is observed, the state still functions effectivel­y as though it has annual budgets.

Last Feb. 9, the governor released his 2023 budget adjustment document and related bills. This always coincides with the State of the State address. Adjustment­s to the biennial budget are not necessary since a budget for the second year already has been put in place, but they nearly always occur. Although much fanfare occurs around the release of the governor’s budget, it is actually dead on arrival and is really a handoff to the legislatur­e.

The legislatur­e allocates the wide range of proposals before it to 26 committees. The informatio­nal budget document that accompanie­s the governor’s proposal is not actually “the budget.” Budget and tax proposals are bills, like every other piece of legislatio­n. The legislatur­e’s only work consists of passing bills (and a few resolution­s). You can see that the Final Budget (HB 5506) that was passed in April is not structural­ly complicate­d. A usual budget bill consists of: (1) a list of state agencies/accounts and appropriat­ed dollar amounts, followed by (2) multitudin­ous written sections known as the “back of the budget” that contain directives related to the budget but also piles of unrelated political policies and pork.

When referring to “the budget,” most people are referring to the general fund ($22.1 billion) which makes up more than 90 percent of appropriat­ions. But there are also eight other appropriat­ed funds ($2.1 billion) of which the transporta­tion fund (8 percent) is the largest. The current number of appropriat­ed funds is fungible and is just what has evolved over the years.

The budget is the most important action that a legislatur­e takes since it contains not only operationa­l funding but a load of policy. Unlike most other bills, a budget must be passed. It not only provides continued funding for agency programs but also creates new/expanded programs that gratify a constituen­t, policy advocate, party member or lobbyist.

The document produced by the governor helps explain changes to the budget but not the base budget itself. This document along with its Economic Report and Three Year Out Year Report is voluminous. No one reads these documents fully — there is too much informatio­n and not enough time.

A confusing part is that the subject matters of the committees are different than the 11 government functions utilized by the governor, which is also different than the 13 subcommitt­ees utilized by the Appropriat­ions Committee. These subcommitt­ees oversee a different set of agencies and are staffed by nonpartisa­n analysts. Many of these functions/processes overlap and are not distinct to one committee which requires elected officials and staff to routinely work together across committees and assignment­s.

But there are significan­t other major state spending sources. The first is the Capital Budget (the “Bond Bill,” about $3.2 billion recommende­d by the governor for 2023). Bonding, like taxation, is under the purview of the Finance Committee since it is made up of projects funded by borrowed money. It does not go through a process like Appropriat­ions has — it is handled primarily by the committee chairs. A list of these projects can be seen starting on page D-1 of the governor’s 2023 document.

Other parts of spending do not get reviewed at all such as funds that are non-appropriat­ed (about $10 billion). These are managed by state agencies with little review by the legislatur­e. The largest portion are federal funds (about $7 billion not including pandemic funds). Some of these are federal block grants which get cursory review before Appropriat­ions. The majority of the rest of the funds are legislated “revolving” funds that take in money from fees or charges to use for program spending by agencies. Although authorized by law at birth, these programs are on auto-pilot afterward.

Finally, there are tax expenditur­es, which total about $9 billion per year. These also have been legislated and are on auto-pilot. Tax expenditur­es are not actually “expenditur­es.” Instead, they result in a loss of (or foregone) tax revenue such as tax breaks/credits. These items get no review at all.

There are far too many programs/funding that do not get enough review but Hartford is happy with the current system. If they weren’t they would change it.

It is important that people downstate understand how the state budget process works in Hartford. It is hard to participat­e and get a fair shake if the process is unknown.

 ?? Brian A. Pounds / Hearst Connecticu­t Media ?? Gov. Ned Lamont addresses the combined House and Senate earlier this year.
Brian A. Pounds / Hearst Connecticu­t Media Gov. Ned Lamont addresses the combined House and Senate earlier this year.

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