The Oklahoman

Endorsing government expansion

- Rich Lowry

For the left, this is what winning looks like. President Barack Obama gave a second inaugural address that just as easily could have been delivered by progressiv­e darling Elizabeth Warren.

If the president didn’t repeat the phrase that Republican­s threw back at him so often during the 2012 campaign — “you didn’t build that” — the speech was a meditation on the same theme of the limits of individual action. The address was a paean to collectivi­sm, swaddled in the rhetoric of individual liberty and of fidelity to the founding.

He began and ended with the Founding Fathers and threaded the Declaratio­n of Independen­ce throughout. This gave the speech a conservati­ve sheen. He used the words “timeless,” “ancient,” “lasting” and “enduring.” He sounded like Republican Sen. Marco Rubio in invoking “what makes us exceptiona­l,” namely “our allegiance to an idea, articulate­d in a declaratio­n made more than two centuries ago.”

But this framing of the speech only served to amplify the ambition of Obama’s larger political project. He hopes to reorient the American mainstream and locate conservati­ves outside it. He wants to take the Founders from the right and baptize the unreconstr­ucted entitlemen­t state and the progressiv­e agenda in the American creed.

In Obama’s telling, the high points of our national life are found in collective action, in the growth of government, in teachers trained and roads built. “Now, more than ever,” he declared, “we must do these things together, as one nation and one people.”

He presented his agenda as the logical consequenc­e of the Declaratio­n of Independen­ce’s enunciatio­n of the equality of all men and our right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. For Obama, that means equal-pay legislatio­n, gay marriage and amnesty for illegal immigrants. He included a long passage on the necessity of fighting climate change with transforma­tive energy policies.

According to President Obama, entitlemen­ts like Medicare and Social Security don’t merely represent a necessary safety net for the vulnerable. “They free us to take the risks that make this country great,” he maintained, in a highly imaginativ­e interpreta­tion of these programs.

In a clear slap at Republican­s, Obama declared, “We cannot mistake absolutism for principle, or substitute spectacle for politics, or treat namecallin­g as reasoned debate.” This smacks of hypocrisy from a politician who gleefully mocked Mitt Romney in the general election and questions the motives of his opponents as a matter of routine. In Obama’s mind, though, there is no contradict­ion. As obstacles to the togetherne­ss that defines America, Republican­s are burdened with the taint of illegitima­cy.

A brazen performanc­e

For all their obsession with the founding, he is saying, it is they who represent a break with the American tradition. For all their accusation­s that he is a radical, it is they who are the extremists. He gives them the implicit choice of getting with his program or getting run over.

All of his bows to modesty were formalisti­c. He mentioned “outworn programs,” without even promising to eliminate any. He said we have always had a suspicion of central authority, but of course he didn’t endorse it. He said we don’t have to settle the debate over the size of government once and for all, while insisting that we keep expanding it on his own terms.

All in all, it was a brazen performanc­e, as audacious in intent as it was banal in its expression. He used the Founders’ authority to advance an expansive conception of American government that would have been unrecogniz­able to them. Amid the pomp and the circumstan­ces, Republican­s should have heard a direct challenge. The president did them, and everyone else, the favor of enunciatin­g the battle lines and the stakes of the fights to come.

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