The Oklahoman

BORDER CRISIS EXPLAINED

- Paula Burkes, Business writer

Handling the ongoing situation with asylum seekers along the southern border is a political, practical and humanitari­an challenge

Vance Winninham practices with Winningham & Stein, Oklahoma's oldest immigratio­n law firm.

Who are the majority of recent arrivals at our southern border?

They are family members or relatives with minor children, mainly from EL Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala. Most hope to qualify as refugees under U.S. asylum law by applying at U.S. ports of entry along the Mexican border or after gaining entry to the U.S. illegally.

How does one qualify for asylum in the U.S.?

Extreme poverty or even starvation doesn't qualify someone. Aliens must show a credible fear of being persecuted in their home countries, based on race, religion, nationalit­y, political opinion or particular social group. Most are asserting membership in a particular social group involving victims of targeted gang violence or extreme domestic violence. Those who are granted asylum may apply for permanent residence status (green card) after one year in refugee status. Dependents also may be granted asylum.

Since only about 10% of these migrants are granted asylum, why is there such a humanitari­an crisis at the border?

The U.S. is legally obligated to protect all asylum seekers who make a potentiall­y credible claim while their applicatio­ns are processed. The Trump Administra­tion so far has opposed paroling asylum seekers into the U.S., pending a decision on their claims. As a result, the U.S Citizenshi­p and Immigratio­n Service (USCIS) has a huge shortage of trained asylum officers compared with the large number of asylum applicants that have to be detained. Consequent­ly, the U.S. Customs and Border Protection Agency (CBP) and the U.S. Immigratio­n Control and Enforcemen­t Agency (ICE) lack the resources and facilities to humanely detain this large number of asylum seekers. Meanwhile, the U.S. Department of Justice's (DOJ) Immigratio­n Court System is understaff­ed with hundreds of thousands of backlogged cases pending.

What strategies has the Trump Administra­tion pursued to deal with this increased flow of immigrants?

The government has been denying bond hearings to migrants with pending credible fear asylum claims while in expedited removal (deportatio­n) proceeding­s. A federal court recently ordered they are entitled to bond hearings. This could allow them to reunite with their children while their cases are processed. The administra­tion, after threatenin­g to impose tariffs, obtained Mexico's agreement to allow those migrants currently waiting in Mexico to remain there. It also allowed those already in the U.S. seeking asylum to be forcibly returned to Mexico and made to wait there until their asylum cases are processed. This is referred to as the President's Remain in Mexico policy which is officially called the Migrant Protection Protocols (MPP). Because of high levels of crime in many Mexican border areas, a group of U.S. asylum officers is urging a federal appeals court to block the Trump Administra­tion from implementi­ng the agreement. The union representi­ng U.S. asylum officers told the court this arrangemen­t with Mexico violates both American law and morals. Last week, the administra­tion had apparently persuaded Guatemala's president to enter into a bilateral or multilater­al “safe third country” agreement. Under U.S. law this would have automatica­lly allowed the administra­tion to not only deny these migrants entry to the U.S., but to remove them directly to Guatemala where they supposedly would be “safe” while being processed for possible asylum. However Guatemala's Constituti­onal Court intervened and ruled the president can't enter into the agreement on his own authority. Several days ago, the Trump administra­tion finalized and began implementi­ng a new rule which could prevent future asylum claims for immigrants who travel across another country before reaching the U.S. Southern border. Under this new rule Hondurans and Salvadoran­s would have to file unsuccessf­ul asylum applicatio­ns in Guatemala or Mexico before they could apply in the U.S. Guatemalan­s would have to apply for and be denied asylum in Mexico. They could still seek “withholdin­g of removal” protection under the Convention Against Torture (CAT). However most of these migrants could not qualify for CAT protection, which requires a higher standard of proof and doesn't grant access to many asylum benefits (e.g. no path to green card, citizenshi­p, etc.). The validity of this rule is already being litigated in federal court. Some other deterrent strategies include: wanting to revoke the time limitation for holding children in detention (“Flores” settlement), revising the credible fear standard and restrictin­g interim employment authorizat­ion for asylum applicants to work while waiting for their applicatio­ns to be processed. What are some of the fixes which have been proposed to deal with the crisis?

Other than providing additional detention resources, some short- and long-term solutions could include: revive in-country refugee processing programs so families can initiate the asylum process while remaining in their home countries; streamline the credible fear determinat­ion process at the border; add additional asylum-trained officers and immigratio­n judges; where appropriat­e, utilize electronic ankle bracelets as an alternativ­e to detention; allow more access to non-government­al organizati­ons and legal representa­tives, which has shown to substantia­lly increase appearance rates at asylum interviews and court appearance­s; and increase aid to these countries.

But instead of making block grants, require it be targeted at gangs, domestic violence, police corruption, human smugglers, etc. Then audit expenditur­es and results (mini "Marshal Plans.")

 ??  ?? Vance Winninham practices with Winningham & Stein, Oklahoma's oldest immigratio­n law firm.
Vance Winninham practices with Winningham & Stein, Oklahoma's oldest immigratio­n law firm.

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