The Palm Beach Post

Is there an evangelica­l crisis appearing on the horizon?

- Ross Douthat He writes for the New York Times.

About 20 years ago, the eminent sociologis­t of religion, Christian Smith, coined a useful and resonant phrase, describing evangelica­l Christiani­ty in the post-1960s United States as both “embattled and thriving.”

By this, Smith meant that evangelica­ls had maintained an identity in a secularizi­ng country that was neither separatist nor assimilate­d, but somehow mainstream and countercul­tural at once.

Smith’s descriptio­n still holds up. The story of U.S. religion lately has been one of institutio­nal decline, of Mainline Protestant­ism’s aging and Catholicis­m’s weakening and the rise of the so-called “nones.”

But there has been an evangelica­l exception. Evangelica­l resilience is the main reason why religious conservati­sm retains an intense and active core.

The question is whether this resilience will survive the age of Trump. Some think not: Whether the subject is the debauched pagan in the White House, the mall-haunted candidacy of Roy Moore or the larger question of how to engage with secular culture, there is talk of an intergener­ational crisis, a widening disillusio­nment with a Trump-endorsing old guard, a feeling that a crackup must loom.

U.S. evangelica­lism has always contained a number of tendencies:

It’s home to rigorous heirs of the Reformatio­n, seeker-sensitive megachurch­es, would-be ecumenical “mere Christians,” prosperity preachers and hard-edged Christian nationalis­ts.

During the 2016 Republican primary, it was easy enough to argue that Donald Trump was exploiting these divisions, winning Fox News-watching cultural evangelica­ls and prosperity-gospel types while losing churchgoer­s who cared about character and orthodoxy.

Then in the general election, it was possible to argue that the latter groups came around to Trump reluctantl­y, out of fear of contempora­ry liberalism’s anticleric­al streak and that their relationsh­ip to his identitari­an nationalis­m was transactio­nal and didn’t reflect any deep congruence.

If this is right, then the alienation of younger evangelica­l writers from Trumpism’s court pastors could indeed be a signifier of a coming crackup.

But it’s also possible that evangelica­l intellectu­als and writers, and their friends in other Christian traditions, have underestim­ated how much a serious theology has ever mattered to evangelica­lism’s sociologic­al success.

If so, then this would imply that white Christian tribalism and a very American sort of heresy, not a commitment to Scripture and tradition, has kept evangelica­l churches thriving all these years. And if the God-and-country, pray-and-grow-rich tendencies sweep aside orthodox resistance, the evangelica­lism that emerges might be more coherent and sociologic­ally resilient, in the short run, for being rid of hand-wringers who don’t think Baptist choirs should set “Make America Great Again” to music.

This is a sobering idea, and one I hope is wrong.

But it is a paradox of this strange time that serious evangelica­ls probably should be rooting for a real post-Trump crisis in their churches — because its absence will tell them something depressing about where their movement’s strength lay all along.

White Christian tribalism could be at play.

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