The Register Citizen (Torrington, CT)

Oath Keepers founder Rhodes’ path: From Yale to jail

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Long before he assembled one of the largest far-right antigovern­ment militia groups in U.S. history, before his Oath Keepers stormed the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, Stewart Rhodes was a promising Yale Law School graduate.

He secured a clerkship on the Arizona Supreme Court, in part thanks to his unusual life story: a stint as an Army paratroope­r cut short by a training accident, followed by marriage, college and an Ivy League law degree.

The clerkship was one more rung up from a hardscrabb­le beginning. But rather than fitting in, Rhodes came across as angry and aggrieved.

He railed to colleagues about how the Patriot Act, which gave the government greater surveillan­ce powers after the Sept. 11 attacks, would erase civil liberties. He referred to Vice President Dick Cheney as a fascist for supporting the Bush administra­tion’s use of “enemy combatant” status to detain prisoners.

“He saw this titanic struggle between people like him who wanted individual liberty and the government that would try to take away that liberty,” said Matt Parry, who worked with Rhodes as a clerk for Arizona Supreme Court Justice Mike Ryan.

Rhodes alienated his moderate Republican boss and eventually left the steppingst­one job. Since then he has ordered his life around a thirst for greatness and distrust of government.

He turned to forming a group rooted in anti-government sentiment, and his message resonated. He gained followers as he went down an increasing­ly extremist path that would lead to armed standoffs, including with federal authoritie­s at Nevada’s Bundy Ranch. It culminated last year, prosecutor­s say, with Rhodes engineerin­g a plot to violently stop Democrat Joe Biden from becoming president.

Rhodes, 57, will be back in court Tuesday, but not as a lawyer. He and four others tied to the Oath Keepers are being tried on charges of seditious conspiracy, the most serious criminal allegation leveled by the Justice Department in its far-reaching prosecutio­n of rioters who attacked the Capitol. The charge carries a potential sentence of up to 20 years in prison upon conviction.

Rhodes, Jessica Watkins, Thomas Caldwell, Kenneth Harrelson and Kelly Meggs are the first Jan. 6 defendants to stand trial under a Civil War-era law against attempting to overthrow the government or, in this case, block the transfer of presidenti­al power.

The trial will put a spotlight on the group Rhodes founded in 2009 that has grown to include thousands of claimed members and loosely organized chapters across the country, according to Rachel Carroll Rivas, interim deputy director of research with the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Intelligen­ce Project.

For Rhodes, it will be a position at odds with the role of greatness that he has long envisioned for himself, said his estranged wife, Tasha Adams.

“He was going to achieve something amazing,” Adams said. “He didn’t know what it was, but he was going to achieve something incredible and earth shattering.”

Rhodes was born in Fresno, Calif. He shuttled between there and Nevada, sometimes living with his mother and other times with grandparen­ts who were migrant farm workers, part of a multicultu­ral extended family that included Mexican and Filipino relatives.

Rhodes joined the Army fresh out of high school and served nearly three years before he was honorably discharged in January 1986 after breaking his back in a parachutin­g accident.

He recovered and was working as a valet in Las Vegas when he met Adams in 1991. He was 25, she was 18.

Rhodes’ lawyer declined to make him available for an interview and Rhodes declined to answer a list of questions sent by The Associated Press.

After finishing college at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, Rhodes went to work in Washington as a staffer for Ron Paul, a libertaria­n-leaning Republican congressma­n, and later attended Yale, with stints in between as an artist and sculptor. Paul did not respond to a request for comment.

Rhodes’ college transcript­s earned him entry to several top schools, Adams said. While at Yale, Adams took care of their growing family in a small apartment while he distinguis­hed himself with an award for a paper arguing that the George W. Bush administra­tion’s use of enemy combatant status to hold people suspected of supporting terrorism indefinite­ly without charge was unconstitu­tional.

After the Arizona clerkship, the family bounced to Montana and back to Nevada, where he worked on Paul’s presidenti­al campaign in 2008. That’s when Rhodes also began to formulate his idea of starting the Oath Keepers. He put a short video and blog post on Blogspot and “it went viral overnight,” Adams said. Rhodes was interviewe­d by conspiracy theorist Alex Jones, but also more mainstream media figures such as Chris Matthews and Bill O’Reilly.

He formally launched the Oath Keepers in Lexington, Mass., on April 19, 2009, where the first shot in the American Revolution was fired.

“We know that if a day should come in this country when a full-blown dictatorsh­ip would come or tyranny, from the left or from the right, we know that it can only happen if those men, our brothers in arms, go along and comply with unconstitu­tional, unlawful orders,” Rhodes said in his Lexington speech.

The group’s stated goal was to get past and present members of the military, first responders and police officers to honor the promise they made to defend the Constituti­on against enemies. The Oath Keepers issued a list of orders that its members wouldn’t obey, such as disarming citizens, carrying out warrantles­s searches and detaining Americans as enemy combatants in violation of their right to jury trials.

Rhodes was a compelling speaker and especially in the early years framed the group as “just a pro-Constituti­on group made up of patriots,” said Sam Jackson, author of the book “Oath Keepers” about the group.

With that benign-sounding framing and his political connection­s, Rhodes harnessed the growing power of social media to fuel the Oath Keepers’ growth during the presidency of Barack Obama. Membership rolls leaked last year included some 38,000 names, though many people on the list have said they are no longer members or were never active participan­ts. One expert last year estimated membership to be a few thousand.

The internal dialogue was much darker and more violent about what members perceived as imminent threats, especially to the Second Amendment, and the idea that members should be prepared to fight back.

“Time and time again, Oath Keepers lays the groundwork for individual­s to decide for themselves, violent or otherwise criminal activity is warranted,” said Jackson, an assistant professor at the University at Albany.

A membership fee was a requiremen­t to access the website, where people could join discussion forums, read Rhodes’ writing and hear pitches to join militarist­ic trainings. Members willing to go to a standoff numbered in the low dozens, said Jason Van Tatenhove, a former spokesman for the group.

Showdowns with the government began in 2011 in the small western Arizona desert town of Quartzsite, where local government was in turmoil as officials feuded among themselves, the police chief was accused of misconduct and several police employees had been suspended. A couple of years later, Rhodes started calling on members to form “community preparedne­ss teams,” which included militaryst­yle training.

The Oath Keepers also showed up at a watershed event in anti-government circles: the standoff with federal agents at Nevada’s Bundy Ranch in 2014. Later that year, members stationed themselves along rooftops in Ferguson, Mo., armed with AR-15-style weapons, to protect businesses from rioting after a grand jury declined to charge a police officer in the fatal shooting of 18-year-old Michael Brown.

The following year Oath Keepers guarded a southern Oregon gold mine whose mining claim owners were in a dispute with the government. Still, Rhodes was never arrested.

As the Oath Keepers escalated their public profile and confrontat­ions with the government, Rhodes was leaving behind some of those he once championed. Jennifer Esposito hired him as her lawyer after the group’s early outing in Quartzsite, but he missed a hearing in her case because he was at the Bundy Ranch standoff. A judge kicked Rhodes off the case, and no lawyer would represent her.

“He clearly just used us for publicity to gain membership in the Oath Keepers,” Roth said.

The neglect culminated in a disbarment case brought against Rhodes. He ignored the allegation­s, missed a hearing and wasn’t even represente­d by a lawyer. The commission examining the case in 2015 found his conduct as an attorney wouldn’t normally get someone disbarred, but his refusal to cooperate did.

Meanwhile, on the national stage, Donald Trump’s political star was taking off. His grievances about the “deep state” aligned with the Oath Keeper’s anti-government­al stance. While Rhodes didn’t agree with Trump on everything, the group’s rhetoric began to shift.

“With the election of Trump, now the Oath Keepers have an ally in the White House,” Jackson said.

A voracious reader and charismati­c speaker, Rhodes drew people in and had a talent for molding his message to his audience and holding onto power. He warmed to the “alt-right” movement as its profile rose.

When Biden won the 2020 election, prosecutor­s say, Rhodes started preparing for battle. Rhodes and the Oath Keepers spent weeks plotting to block the transfer of power, amassing weapons and setting up “quick reaction force” teams with weapons to be on standby outside the nation’s capital, prosecutor­s say.

On Jan. 6, 2021, authoritie­s say, two teams of Oath Keepers stormed the Capitol alongside hundreds of other angry Trump supporters.

Rhodes is not accused of going inside, but he was seen gathered outside the Capitol after the riot with several members who did, prosecutor­s have said.

Defense lawyers have accused prosecutor­s of twisting their clients’ words. They have argued that the militia group went to Washington only to provide security at events before the riot for right-wing figures such as Trump confidant Roger Stone and that there was never a plan to attack the Capitol.

The case has dealt a major blow to the Oath Keepers, in part because many people associated with it want to be considered respectabl­e in their communitie­s, said Carroll Rivas of the Southern Poverty Law Center. Of the approximat­ely 30 Capitol riot defendants affiliated with the Oath Keepers, nine have pleaded guilty to charges stemming from the attack, including three who have pleaded guilty to seditious conspiracy.

But that doesn’t mean the ideas that Rhodes promoted have faded away.

“He came up with a blueprint that is going to be used in the future by people we don’t even know about,” Van Tatenhove said. “I think it’s very important for us to pay attention.”

 ?? Susan Walsh / Associated Press ?? Stewart Rhodes, founder of the citizen militia group known as the Oath Keepers speaks during a rally outside the White House on June 25, 2017. Rhodes formally launched the Oath Keepers in Lexington, Mass., on April 19, 2009, where the first shot in the American Revolution was fired.
Susan Walsh / Associated Press Stewart Rhodes, founder of the citizen militia group known as the Oath Keepers speaks during a rally outside the White House on June 25, 2017. Rhodes formally launched the Oath Keepers in Lexington, Mass., on April 19, 2009, where the first shot in the American Revolution was fired.
 ?? Contribute­d photo ?? Rhodes at Yale Law School.
Contribute­d photo Rhodes at Yale Law School.

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