The Reporter (Lansdale, PA)

Donald Trump is the most pro-Taiwan president in U.S. history

- Marc A. Thiessen Columnist

Donald Trump is arguably the most pro-Taiwan president in U.S. history. On Trump’s watch, U.S. warships sail through the Taiwan Strait — the internatio­nal waters separating Taiwan from China — on a routine basis, compared with just one to three times a year under Barack Obama. While both Obama and George W. Bush refused Taiwan’s requests to buy U.S. F-16s for fear of provoking Beijing’s ire, Trump approved the fighter-jet sale — the first since 1992. And after the 2016 election, Trump became the first U.S. leader to speak directly with a Taiwanese leader since the United States broke diplomatic relations in 1979 when he accepted a congratula­tory call from President Tsai Ing-wen.

That’s good news, because Taiwan has never needed America’s support more than it does now. Last week, the people of Taiwan delivered a stinging rebuke to China when they defeated the pro-Beijing Nationalis­ts and reelected Tsai in a landslide. More than a year ago, Tsai appeared to be finished after her Democratic Progressiv­e Party suffered huge losses to the Nationalis­ts in local elections. But last week, despite massive Chinese efforts to bolster her opponent, Tsai won a record 8.2 million votes, more than any Taiwanese leader since the start of direct presidenti­al elections in 1996.

What changed? China’s crackdown in Hong Kong, that’s what. Beijing claims Taiwan as a province and wants it to accept Chinese sovereignt­y under the same

“one country, two systems” principle by which it rules Hong Kong. And after watching Beijing trample over Hong Kong, the Taiwanese people want nothing to do with “one country, two systems” and decided to send China a clear message.

If China’s Communist leaders were capable of introspect­ion, they would realize they screwed up.

All they had to do was leave Hong Kong alone, continue to collect its riches and watch as the Nationalis­ts in Taiwan took power. Instead, with their brutality, they created a wave of antiChina sentiment in both places.

It is unlikely that Chinese President Xi Jinping will learn from his mistakes and back off. Instead, China will probably seek to punish Taiwan. The question is in what form that punishment might come. Beijing might seek to coerce Taiwan economical­ly by scrapping trade privileges under the economic cooperatio­n pact it signed with Tsai’s Nationalis­t predecesso­r. Like its crackdown in Hong Kong, such a move would backfire on China — pushing Taiwan to diversify its economy and become less dependent on trade with the mainland.

The more worrisome possibilit­y is that China will respond militarily.

The convention­al wisdom holds that so long as Taiwan does not declare formal independen­ce, Beijing will not invade.

To keep the peace, the United States must enhance its deterrence posture with China. One way to do so would be to deploy new convention­al intermedia­te-range ballistic missiles to East Asia. China is aggressive­ly building and deploying such missiles, but the United States was banned from doing so under the Intermedia­te-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty with Russia.

This put the United States at a strategic disadvanta­ge in any military standoff, because China knows our only possible response options in a conflict is to target the mainland with interconti­nental ballistic missiles — an unacceptab­le escalation.

Thanks to Trump’s decision to withdraw from the INF Treaty, we can now deploy convention­al medium-range missiles — a move that would restore U.S. military supremacy in the Pacific and improve our ability to deter Chinese aggression.

As we learned from our recent standoff with Iran, totalitari­an regimes have a tendency to miscalcula­te. It took a military strike to restore deterrence with Iran; we should not wait to restore deterrence with China.

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