The Reporter (Lansdale, PA)

Threat to American democracy has not subsided

- Dana Milbank

In September, I wrote that the United States faced a situation akin to the 1933 burning of Weimar Germany’s parliament, which Hitler used to seize power.

“America, this is our Reichstag moment,” the column said, citing the eminent Yale historian Timothy Snyder on the lessons of 20th-century authoritar­ianism. Snyder argued that President Donald Trump had “an authoritar­ian’s instinct” and was surroundin­g the election in “the authoritar­ian language of a coup d’etat.” Predicted Snyder: “It’s going to be messy.”

Trump enablers such as Sen. Lindsey Graham scoffed. “With all due respect to @Milbank, he’s in the ... crazy phase of Trump Derangemen­t Syndrome,” the South Carolina Republican tweeted, with a link to my column.

But now we know that 1933 was very much on the mind of the nation’s top soldier, Gen. Mark Milley, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. “This is a Reichstag moment,” Milley told aides of Trump’s “stomachchu­rning” lies about election fraud. “The gospel of the Führer,” Milley labeled Trump’s claims.

Milley, as reported in a forthcomin­g book by The Washington Post’s Carol Leonnig and Philip Rucker, feared that people around Trump were seeking to “overturn the government,” saw that pro-Trump’s protesters would serve as “brownshirt­s in the streets” — and was determined that “the Nazis aren’t getting in” to block Joe Biden’s inaugurati­on.

American democracy survived that coup attempt on Jan. 6. But the danger has not subsided. I called Snyder, who accurately predicted the insurrecti­on, to ask how the history of European authoritar­ianism informs our current state.

“We’re looking almost certainly at an attempt in 2024 to take power without winning elections,” he told me Thursday. Recent moves in Republican-controlled state legislatur­es to suppress the votes of people of color and to give the legislatur­es control over casting electoral votes “are all working toward the scenario in 2024 where they lose by 10 million votes but they still appoint their guy.”

History also warns of greater violence. “If people are excluded from voting rights, then naturally they’re going to start to think about other options, on the one side,” Snyder said. “But, on the other side, the people who are benefiting because their vote counts for more think of themselves as entitled — and when things don’t go their way, they’re also more likely to be violent.”

It all boils down to this: “One of our two political parties is currently on an undemocrat­ic track. That’s just the way it is, I think, for the 2022 and 2024 cycles.”

Many others are sounding similar alarms. A survey of 327 political scientists released this week by Bright Line Watch, a project by scholars at Dartmouth College, the University of Chicago and the University of Rochester, found widespread concern: The experts collective­ly estimated a 55 percent likelihood that local officials will refuse to certify vote counts in 2024, a 46 percent likelihood that state legislatur­es will pick electors contrary to the popular vote and a 39 percent likelihood that Congress will refuse to certify the election.

Admittedly, I’m partisan — not for Democrats but for democrats. At the moment, they are one and the same.

This is also why the attempt in Washington to protect voting rights must have primacy if we are to arrest the slide into political violence. “Voting rights is critical,” Snyder explained, because “it makes violence less likely” and it “will make the Republican­s become a party that competes again instead of a party which just tries to rig the game at every stage.”

At the moment, Republican­s are “digging themselves ever deeper into becoming a party which only wins by keeping other people from voting, and that’s a downward spiral,” he argued.

The way to extinguish the next Reichstag fire is to demand — and require — that Republican­s honor the right of all Americans to vote.

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