The Reporter (Vacaville)

In Rittenhous­e case, Americans see what they want to see

- By Scott Bauer

MADISON, WIS. >> From the moment Kyle Rittenhous­e shot three people on the streets of Kenosha during protests over the police shooting of a Black man, he’s personifie­d America’s polarizati­on.

The 17-year-old from Illinois who carried an ARstyle rifle and idolized police was cheered by those who despised the Black Lives Matter movement and the sometimes destructiv­e protests that followed George Floyd’s death. He was championed by progun conservati­ves who said he was exercising his Second Amendment rights and defending cities from “antifa,” an umbrella term for leftist militants.

Others saw him as the most worrisome example yet of vigilante citizens taking to the streets with guns, often with the tacit support of police — a “chaos tourist,” in the words of the lead prosecutor, who came to Kenosha looking for trouble.

Though Rittenhous­e and all three men he shot are white, many people saw racism at the heart of Kenosha — an armed white teen, welcomed by police to a city where activists were rallying against a white officer’s shooting of a Black man, and allowed to walk past a police line immediatel­y after shooting three people.

That division is likely to be on display at Rittenhous­e’s trial, which opens Monday with jury selection. Rittenhous­e, now 18, faces several charges, including homicide — and could see a life sentence if convicted.

“It’s another battle in what has become the central story of our time —- the culture wars,” John Baick, who teaches modern American history at Western New England University in Springfiel­d, Massachuse­tts, said.

In many ways, the key question at trial is simple: Was Rittenhous­e acting in self-defense? Plentiful video exists of the events in question, and legal experts see a strong case for that. The judge overseeing the trial, Bruce Schroeder, has said forcefully that it “is not going to be a political trial.”

But the case has been exactly that, almost from the moment the shootings happened — driven by powerful interest groups, extremists, politician­s and others using it to push their own agendas.

Rittenhous­e’s defenders, including his family, have leaned into some of the symbolism. A website devoted to his defense — and raising money for it — greets visitors with a quote attributed to James Monroe: “The right of self-defense never ceases.” The site blasts “Big Tech, a corrupt media, and dishonest politician­s” out to “ruin the life of Kyle Rittenhous­e.” The site briefly sold branded “Free Kyle” merchandis­e before vendors backed away.

Ryan Busse, a former firearms industry executive who is now a senior adviser at the gun-safety organizati­on Giffords, which was founded by former U.S. Rep. Gabrielle Giffords, who was shot in an assassinat­ion attempt in 2011, said he’s worried that Rittenhous­e will become “some heroic martyr.”

“I’m worried about empowering more actors like him who think it’s glamorous to go kill somebody with a rifle,” Busse said.

Rittenhous­e made the 20-mile (32-kilometer) trip from his home in Antioch, Illinois, north to Kenosha as the city was in the throes of several nights of chaotic demonstrat­ions after an officer shot Jacob Blake in the back following a domestic disturbanc­e. At least one call had gone out on social media for armed citizens to respond, though Rittenhous­e’s attorneys say that wasn’t what brought Rittenhous­e

to the city.

Videos taken that night show him with a first-aid kit at his side, along with his rifle, bragging about his medical abilities. Video also shows police appearing to welcome Rittenhous­e and other armed citizens, including handing them bottles of water.

Later in the evening, video shows a man named Joseph Rosenbaum chasing Rittenhous­e in the parking lot of a used car dealership; seconds later, Rittenhous­e shoots and kills him. In the ensuing minutes, Rittenhous­e — pursued by other protesters — shot and killed Anthony Huber, who swung a skateboard at him, and shot and wounded Gaige Grosskreut­z, who had stepped toward Rittenhous­e with a pistol in hand.

Video then shows Rittenhous­e walking toward police with his hands up, his rifle slung over his shoulder, as protesters yell that he has just shot people. Rittenhous­e went back home, turning himself into police the next day.

The day Rittenhous­e was arrested, Democratic U.S. Rep. Ayanna Pressley, of Massachuse­tts, tweeted that the shootings had been committed by a “white supremacis­t domestic terrorist.”

Rittenhous­e’s defense team pushed back against that, saying Rittenhous­e isn’t a white supremacis­t and wasn’t aware of “hateful rhetoric” on social media about the Kenosha protests leading up to the shootings. The Anti-Defamation League found no evidence of extremism in his social media accounts.

But Rittenhous­e was embraced by the Proud Boys, a far-right extremist group that generally traffics in white nationalis­m, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center. The group’s chairman, Enrique Tarrio, and other members have been shown

wearing T-shirts that say, “Kyle Rittenhous­e Did Nothing Wrong!” And soon after being freed on bond, Rittenhous­e was photograph­ed at a Wisconsin bar with people who flashed a hand signal associated with the Proud Boys and sang a song that has become an anthem of the group. Rittenhous­e flashed the hand signal, too.

The fact that Rittenhous­e wasn’t a member of any extremist group before the shootings doesn’t matter now given how he’s been embraced by them, said Alex Friedfeld, an investigat­ive researcher for the Center on Extremism with the Anti-Defamation League.

He said extremists will be looking to turn the trial to advantage. Some view the mere fact that Rittenhous­e was charged as evidence that courts and the system are stacked against conservati­ves, or that the system is biased against white people, Friedfeld said.

“It starts to kind of lay

the groundwork for the idea that people need to tear down these institutio­ns and the system is broken and needs to be changed, which requires action,” he said.

Baick, the historian, called the Rittenhous­e trial “a moment for reality TV” and said the entire case takes its place amid one of the nation’s most turbulent periods in generation­s.

“We have to link in Jan. 6,” he said. “We have to link in military groups across the country, antimask protests, school board protests. Whether it’s Kenosha, or Minneapoli­s, or the entire state of Florida, these debates over the role of government, the role of law and order — these are deeply unsettled in America right now in a way they haven’t been since the 1960s.”

 ?? MORRY GASH — THE ASSOCIATED PRESS FILE ?? In this file photo, a group holds rifles as they watch protesters on the street in Kenosha, Wis. Protests continued following the police shooting of Jacob Blake two days earlier.
MORRY GASH — THE ASSOCIATED PRESS FILE In this file photo, a group holds rifles as they watch protesters on the street in Kenosha, Wis. Protests continued following the police shooting of Jacob Blake two days earlier.
 ?? MARK HERTZBERG — POOL PHOTO ?? Kyle Rittenhous­e appears at a pretrial hearing in Kenosha Circuit Court in Kenosha, Wis., on Monday.
MARK HERTZBERG — POOL PHOTO Kyle Rittenhous­e appears at a pretrial hearing in Kenosha Circuit Court in Kenosha, Wis., on Monday.

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