The Sentinel-Record

Lawmakers face tough health care questions

- KEN THOMAS

WASHINGTON — Like his predecesso­r, President Donald Trump seized on a go-it-alone strategy for fast-tracking his agenda. It took him two weeks to run into the nation’s system of checks and balances.

The legal battle over his executive order on immigratio­n and refugees is a surprising­ly early demonstrat­ion of a lesson all presidents learn eventually. Governing by executive action may appear easier and faster, but it carries its own legal and political risks.

President Barack Obama was confronted with that reality late in his tenure when, thwarted by the GOP-controlled House, he used what he called a “pen and phone” strategy to advance his agenda. He ultimately found one of his most sweeping actions, the expansion of a program deferring deportatio­n for some immigrants, blocked by the courts, while Republican­s blasted him for what they said was an abuse of power.

Republican­s have been notably quiet as Trump has taken a similar approach, particular­ly taking advantage of the precedent giving the president broad leeway when it comes to immigratio­n.

A federal judge’s order in Seattle Friday evening blocking Trump’s ban on admitting travelers from seven predominan­tly Muslim countries showed the limits of the president’s powers and the role of checks and balances among the three branches of government. The administra­tion appealed the judge’s order, but the higher court denied its request for an immediate stay that would have enabled Trump to reinstate the ban. The visas State for Department­about 60,000 cancelled people from the affected countries; the legal setbacks had many rushing to restore their documents and find flights to the United States over the weekend.

Trump isn’t alone in trying to maximize executive muscle. Presidents rarely voluntaril­y restrict their own power. And recent presidents also have used a burst of unilateral action to spur progress at the start of their administra­tions and to set a tone for Congress, where legislatio­n often moves slowly.

Trump’s opening weeks have shown he’s likely to rely on the Republican­s who hold a majority in Congress to pass top agenda items like overhaulin­g the “Obamacare” law, changing the roadsa regulation,slowingbli­tz TheOn tax and healthof Friday,code presidentd­own. imposedact­ions bridges. showingand care Trump’s repairingh­ason and sanctionsf­ew also border financials­igns administra­tionsigned agingsecur­ity, on of companiesr­esponsemis­silebitter nuclear criticismt­estto Iran’sand— dealof after individual­srecent Obama’swith months Tehran. ballisticl­andmarkof in

their issues, Still, sweep Trumphis actionsand didn’t haste. stand just On out some leapfrog for party Congress,is in control, wherehe cut his Republican­sown out of the consultati­ons and rollout of his plans.

“I think that Trump has been unusually aggressive in the scope of what he is trying to do and also I think remarkably casual in issuing orders and other actions

that throughpro­cessand considerat­ion,”don’t of what reviewinga­ppear would to saidbe and havea Kenneth vettingtyp­ical gone Mayer, professorS­ince actionsa University­who Inaugurati­onby has presidents.studiedof Wisconsine­xecutive Day, Trump numberand has executivei­s in signedline with20 orders. memoranda Obama’s That first Obama’s two directly early weeks. reversedor­ders:One of The onehis former ordersof presidenti­n his first signed weeka in memorandum­2009 rescinding­federal moneya ban to on internatio­nalprovidi­ng groups that perform or provide informatio­n on abortions. Trump reinstitut­ed the regulation, known as the “Mexico City Policy,” on his first day in office.

In this, Mayer said Trump’s use of unilateral powers has shown some similariti­es to a general pattern set in 1993, 2001 and 2009 — when the White House switched parties. But he added that "there's a

big qualificat­ion.” None of those incoming presidents sparked the controvers­y that Trump did last week. Chaos at airports and concern around the world quickly followed Trump’s signing of the executive order to temporaril­y ban countries.The fromall refugees presidents­even Muslim-majorityan­d said also quick,travelers forcefulre­duce the action threat wasof terrorist needed attacks. to

immigratio­nThe executive have led actionsto lawsuits. on vowed Interestto challenge groups any also unilateral­have efforts to curtail Obama’s environmen­tal regulation­s and other rules.

Despite his initial flurry of action, Obama became more reliant upon executive orders during his second term, when he faced opposition from Republican­s. “I’ve got a pen and I’ve got a phone,” he declared at one point, promising public orders and personal efforts to build support

When he acted unilateral­ly on immigratio­n in 2014, providing temporary legal status to millions living in the U.S. illegally, Republican­s insisted he was acting illegally.

The House speaker at the time, John Boehner, accused him of acting like a king or an emperor.

This time, with full control of the White House and Congress, Republican­s have been largely muted in their assessment­s of Trump’s executive actions.

A notable exception has been Arizona Sen. John McCain, who warned Trump not to allow the resumption of enhanced interrogat­ion techniques such as waterboard­ing following reports that the new administra­tion was planning a review.

“The president can sign whatever executive orders he likes. But the law is the law. We are not bringing back torture in the United States of America,” McCain said.

Democrats are broadly and bitterly opposed to Trump’s proposals — on the health care law, oil pipelines and the border wall — as well as the unilateral way he’s going about pursuing some of them.

“What he is doing is reprehensi­ble to them in most cases,” said Steve Elmendorf, a Democratic strategist and former aide to former House Democratic leader Dick Gephardt. The go-italone approach, Elmendorf said, is “going to inflame the base of the party and make it hard for Democrats to work with him on other issues.”

Even members of Trump’s own party have distanced themselves from the rollout of his executive orders on immigratio­n. Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina said that Trump “didn’t think it through” and the orders were a “classic example of putting something out there that wasn’t ready for prime time.”

But Graham said the bumpy start still pales in comparison to Obama’s use of executive action, pointing to federal courts blocking the former president’s executive actions on immigratio­n and a piece of his health care overhaul.

“Look what Obama did. His executive orders got struck down by the court. I’m not going to listen to a bunch of Democrats complain about Trump when they sat on the sidelines and did nothing about Obama,” he said.

 ?? The Associated Press ?? SIGNING OFF: The signature of President Donald Trump is seen on an executive order Jan. 24 in Oval Office of the White House in Washington. Trump has taken 18 executive actions since being sworn into office on Jan. 20. Some of the papers he signed were...
The Associated Press SIGNING OFF: The signature of President Donald Trump is seen on an executive order Jan. 24 in Oval Office of the White House in Washington. Trump has taken 18 executive actions since being sworn into office on Jan. 20. Some of the papers he signed were...

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