The Sentinel-Record

Why does US lag behind in a female president?

- AP’s The Conversati­on Farida Jalaizai Farida Jalalzai is a professor and Hannah Atkins Endowed Chair of Political Science at Oklahoma State University. The Conversati­on is an independen­t and nonprofit source of news, analysis and commentary from academic

Estonia, Singapore, Ethiopia and Finland — these are some of the 21 countries currently governed by a female president or prime minister. Yet a woman president of the U.S. still remains only a hypothetic­al. The 2020 Democratic nomination contest originally featured six women candidates, a record number. But the most prominent female candidates for the Democratic nomination — Kamala Harris, Elizabeth Warren and Amy Klobuchar — have all dropped out, and the focus of the race has narrowed to two males.

My research examines what countries where women run the government have in common — and why the U.S. still lags behind.

Since 2000, 89 women have newly come to power. That’s more than double the total number of women who entered office between 1960 and 1999.

Women’s greater presence in positions like senatorshi­ps creates opportunit­ies for women to rise up the ranks and become presidents and prime ministers.

Women have led in countries that have relative gender equality like Norway as well as more patriarcha­l spaces such as Pakistan. However, women have more often held the position of prime minister, typically a weaker position than the presidency.

The path to prime minister depends on appointmen­t rather than a direct popular vote. Moreover, term length is unpredicta­ble.

When prime ministers govern, they usually rely heavily on parliament­ary collaborat­ion. Cabinet ministers are also given more autonomy to control their respective department­s, compared to their counterpar­ts in presidenti­al systems.

Only about one-third of all female presidents to date were elected to the position. Others were appointed through various procedures. These include female vice presidents who succeeded presidents, as well as women who were appointed to the presidency to serve on a temporary basis when sudden openings occurred. Some were indirectly elected by officehold­ers in other political institutio­ns such as the parliament.

Political opportunit­ies for women’s leadership often arise in times of crisis or change. For example, democratic transition in Asia, Latin America, sub-Saharan Africa and Eastern Europe enabled women to gain a political foothold.

A common pathway to more powerful positions for women in Asia and Latin America is through being the wife or daughter of a politicall­y prominent man.

Having women in the highest positions can bring in more diverse viewpoints and new policy priorities.

For example, Finnish Prime Minister Sanna Marin’s coalition, comprised of female-led parties, has passed a generous work leave measure that expands conception­s of gender roles and families. Prime Ministers Katrin Jakobsdott­ir of Iceland and Jacina Ardern of New Zealand prioritize family and green policies over growing the economy in budget planning.

Scholars have found that women in power build feelings of trust and legitimacy in the political system.

Citizens have higher political interest and participat­ion under female leadership. These benefits are not just enjoyed by women, but the population as a whole.

Women in high office also offer the public visible role models, inspiring other women to wage candidacie­s.

The influentia­l standing of the U.S. on the world stage magnifies the absence of an American woman president. What holds the U.S. back?

It is not the lack of qualified women. Record numbers of women currently serve in the House and Senate. Today, there are nine female governors in the U.S., matching previous highs in 2003 and 2007. These positions are usually important springboar­ds to presidenti­al office.

Are Americans unwilling to vote for women candidates? Warren challenged this notion at a January Democratic debate: “The only people on this stage who have won every single election that they’ve been in are women: Amy [Klobuchar] and me.”

Evidence from U.S. congressio­nal elections show similar rates of victory for women and men.

But women continue to encounter more negative perception­s from the public, political elites and the mass media regarding their leadership capabiliti­es and competence, compared to their male counterpar­ts. Stereotypi­cally masculine traits, such as strength of leadership and quick decision-making, are often prized over stereotypi­cally feminine traits like deliberati­on and compromise.

Women candidates are aware of this and often spend a significan­t amount of time implementi­ng strategies to offset potential gender stereotype­s. These include emphasizin­g their strength and capacity to lead or images that balance masculine and feminine traits, in an effort to convince the public of their viability.

Women are also less likely than men to run for office, due to perception­s of sexism, limited political recruitmen­t and underestim­ation of their qualificat­ions.

That Hillary Clinton won nearly 3 million more votes than Donald Trump in 2016 confirms that a woman can wage a competitiv­e presidenti­al bid in the U.S. Research using two national surveys, however, found that sexist attitudes contribute­d, in part, to some voters’ decisions to vote for Trump instead of Clinton.

A woman will not be elected president of the U.S. in 2020. But the presence and actions of female candidates has sparked critical conversati­ons among the public, politician­s and pundits about women’s political status.

In my view, it is critical that public discourse about sexism does not lead to women opting out of future candidacie­s or further erode perception­s of women’s electabili­ty.

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