The Sentinel-Record

President must choose between labor, inflation

- Catherine Rampell Guest column Copyright 2022, Washington Post Writers group

WASHINGTON — If President Joe Biden’s devotion to organized labor and his commitment to fighting inflation come into conflict, which side will he choose?

It’s a choice he would probably rather not make, but he might have to soon. That’s because the labor contract for 29 West Coast ports, which covers

22,000 dockworker­s, lapsed over the weekend.

For now, talks continue. But if a major work stoppage or slowdown results, it could wreak havoc on the country’s already-fragile supply chains, with potentiall­y catastroph­ic consequenc­es for inflation and the economy.

Also, of course, for Democrats’ chances in the midterms.

This isn’t some remote risk. The last time this contract was being renegotiat­ed, starting in 2014, talks broke down and work slowdowns led to expensive shipping delays. The Obama administra­tion had to intervene. Labor disruption­s (strikes, lockouts, slowdowns) also occurred during West Coast port contract negotiatio­ns in 2002, 2008 and 2012.

Today, the stakes are even greater, with inflation at 40-year highs. Both sides in the negotiatio­ns presumably know additional port disruption­s could be disastrous — a reality that strengthen­s labor’s hand. Truckers, retailers, farmers and others reliant on these ports for their livelihood­s are already deeply worried about the prospect of more logjams.

And it’s still not clear how Biden might react if things go awry. He’s said that curbing inflation is his “top domestic priority.” So, will he still stand by his longtime political allies if they play hardball and take actions that make inflation worse?

Biden often promises to be the “most pro-union president in American history,” including at a recent speech to the AFLCIO. He touts his support for unionizati­on efforts among congressio­nal staffers and workers at major corporatio­ns, and his efforts to pass the Protecting the Right to Organize Act, among other attempts to improve working conditions and wages for American laborers.

Biden also often mentions his debt of gratitude to organized labor for backing him over the years. As he says nearly every time he speaks before union crowds, including audiences of longshorem­en: “Folks, there’s an expression where I come from: ‘You go home with them that brung you to the dance.’ You all brought me to the dance.”

Sometimes, there is no tension between Biden’s support for unions and his efforts to bring down the cost of living. For example, his efforts to lower drug prices would help most Americans, including union members.

But lately, as might be the case if there’s a blowup at the ports, those goals have often been at odds. Almost every time, the Biden administra­tion has sided with labor.

For example, unions generally want more trade protection­ism, including the Trump-era tariffs on steel and aluminum, washing machines, solar panels and Chinese consumer goods. Unions have also pushed for tighter “Buy America” requiremen­ts, which force the government to source goods and services from U.S. suppliers even when they’re much more expensive than foreign-made alternativ­es.

Both these kinds of measures end up raising prices. The Peterson Institute for Internatio­nal Economics recently estimated that a “feasible” trade-liberaliza­tion package, including measures such as tariff repeal and relaxation of “Buy America” requiremen­ts, could reduce inflation by as much as 2 percentage points.

So far, though, Biden has chosen to keep President Donald Trump’s tariffs in place, or has swapped them out for different trade restrictio­ns. He has also tightened “Buy America” requiremen­ts.

There are other tools the administra­tion could deploy to modestly reduce pricing pressures. However, they’re also things that unions fervently oppose; so far (coincident­ally or otherwise) the administra­tion has chosen not to pursue them.

Those include, for instance, suspending the Jones Act, which requires that any ships carrying goods between U.S. ports be U.S.built, -owned, -crewed and -flagged. Because these vessels are in short supply, the restrictio­ns raise prices for maritime shipping — including, by the way, for oil and petroleum products. JPMorgan recently estimated that suspending the law would shave about 10 cents per gallon off gas prices.

Similarly, the administra­tion could fix the bottleneck­s in the legal work-based immigratio­n system, or increase the number of seasonal-worker visas available to employers. Both of these measures could help alleviate labor shortages, which are contributi­ng to inflation. Again, organized labor has generally opposed increases in employment-based visas.

To be clear: We don’t necessaril­y know that the administra­tion is choosing not to use these inflation-fighting tools because it’s deferring to organized labor. Biden officials might have other motivation­s (policy-related or political) for these actions.

But if the port negotiatio­ns go south, the choices Biden faces — between an important political ally and a broader economic crisis — could be much starker and more painful, for him and for the country.

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