The Sentinel-Record

Trump’s popular, but immigratio­n plan isn’t

- Catherine Rampell

Americans overwhelmi­ngly trust Donald Trump more than President Biden on immigratio­n, polls show. This might be unsurprisi­ng, since the southern border is overwhelme­d and Trump has made immigratio­n the centerpiec­e of all his presidenti­al campaigns.

But it’s also kind of astonishin­g. Most of what Trump actually plans to do about immigratio­n in a second term is unpopular.

Myths and misinforma­tion about immigrants (whether legal or undocument­ed) abound, including whether they’re more likely to commit crimes (they’re not). Or whether immigrants hurt the economy (they don’t; they are net-positive contributo­rs to the economy and federal budgets). Such misunderst­andings are one reason I write about immigratio­n: If Americans had better informatio­n, they might be more likely to see immigratio­n’s benefits for America’s finances, national security and moral standing in the world.

But even I recognize that’s a tall order. Voters are busy; learning the ins and outs of the immigratio­n system requires bandwidth most people lack. You know what should be an easier lift for those of us in the media, though? Simply telling Americans what Trump’s immigratio­n policies are, and then asking them to evaluate whether those policies match the views Americans already hold.

We already have a good sense of Trump’s likely immigratio­n agenda from recent speeches, previous administra­tion actions and Project 2025 documents (co-written by Trump aides and widely viewed as the policy playbook for a second Trump term). On lots of major policies, polling is not in his favor. For example:

1. Terminatin­g legal status for so-called dreamers. Polling shows that most Americans - even most Republican­s and Trump supporters! - believe undocument­ed immigrants brought to the United States as children should be allowed to remain here and apply for permanent legal status.

Trump has sometimes said that he has a “great heart” for these particular immigrants, nicknamed “dreamers.” But always pay more attention to what politician­s do than to what they say.

As president, Trump repeatedly tried to end the Obama-era Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, which temporaril­y shields dreamers from deportatio­n and allows them to work. His efforts were stopped by the Supreme Court - before his final high-court nominee, Amy Coney Barrett, was confirmed. DACA is expected to return to the Supreme Court soon.

In the meantime, Trump in a second term would effectivel­y end the program administra­tively, by prohibitin­g government employees from reviewing and processing renewal applicatio­ns, according to Project 2025.

2. Family separation­s.

The Trump administra­tion program systematic­ally took asylum-seeking children from their parents, with no tracking process that would allow them to be reunited. The policy was widely condemned, even by members of his own party.

In fact, it was historical­ly unpopular, faring worse in polls than any major bill of the past 30 years, as George Washington University professor Chris Warshaw has shown.

Even today, our country has not made all these families whole, and the moral stain remains. Nonetheles­s, Trump has recently defended the policy and refuses to rule out reviving it.

3. Militarize­d mass-detention camps. Trump wants to deploy the military to round up migrants and place them in detention camps and has publicly pledged to use the Alien Enemies Act for this purpose. This wartime measure, part of the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798, was previously invoked for mass imprisonme­nt of Japanese Americans and Japanese nationals during World War II.

One recent survey addressed a version of this policy (Agree/ disagree: “Illegal immigrants should be arrested and put in detention camps while awaiting deportatio­n hearings”). Respondent­s were divided, with neither “agree” nor “disagree” claiming a majority. This question wording left out some important details of the design, so perhaps more specific language would be useful in assessing levels of support (or moral revulsion).

4. Slashing legal immigratio­n.

Many Americans, including Trump’s own followers, say they have no problem with immigrants per se - just those who come here unlawfully. Indeed, Americans generally have positive views of “legal immigrants,” and most favor making it easier to immigrate (73 percent overall, including 59 percent among Republican­s, according to a Fox News poll). A recent Pew Research Center poll likewise found most Americans believe that creating more opportunit­ies to legally immigrate would improve the border situation.

Yet as president, Trump did much more to slash legal immigratio­n than illegal immigratio­n. He built his border wall out of paperwork, blocking would-be immigrants from receiving visas and legal work permits. Further, the Project 2025 framework lays out additional ways he would restrict legal immigratio­n. For example, he would dismantle the program that allows seasonal agricultur­al workers to come here on visas.

One might reasonably ask how Biden’s policies compare, since the public clearly dislikes how things are going now. It’s worth noting that Biden has indeed created new legal pathways for immigrants to arrive here with permission, after a security and health screening. (Republican politician­s sued to block his efforts.) And whatever the narrative about Biden’s supposed “open borders,” in fiscal 2022, the number of noncitizen removals, returns and expulsions hit its highest level in two decades.

As for what’s left on Biden’s immigratio­n agenda? Well, most items on his to-do list (such as revamping the asylum system) require action from Congress. Once upon a time, Trump wanted Congress to pass tough border legislatio­n, too - until he decided he opposed it instead.

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