The Trentonian (Trenton, NJ)

Trump’s EPA shifts more environmen­tal enforcemen­t to states

- By Ellen Knickmeyer

BOKOSHE, OKLA. >> Susan Holmes’ home, corner store and roadside beef jerky stand are right off Oklahoma Highway 31, putting them in the path of trucks hauling ash and waste from a power plant that burns the high-sulfur coal mined near this small town.

For years, when Bokoshe residents were outside, the powdery ash blowing from the trucks and the ash dump on the edge of town would “kind of engulf you,” Holmes said. “They drove by, and you just couldn’t breathe.”

Over three decades, the ash dump grew into a hill five stories high. Townspeopl­e regard the Environmen­tal Protection Agency as the only source of serious environmen­tal enforcemen­t. Whenever people took their worries about ash-contaminat­ed air and water to state lawmakers and regulators, “none of them cared,” Holmes said.

So the residents of this 500-person town have nothing but bitter warnings for similarly situated communitie­s now that President Donald Trump’s EPA has approved Oklahoma to be the first state to take over permitting and enforcemen­t on coal-ash sites.

“They’re going to do absolutely nothing,” predicted Tim Tanksley, a rancher in Bokoshe, about 130 miles southeast of Tulsa in a Choctaw Nation coal patch that helped fuel the railroads.

Around the country, the EPA under Trump is delegating a widening range of public health and environmen­tal enforcemen­t to states, saying local officials know best how to deal with local problems. Critics contend federal regulators are making a dangerous retreat on enforcemen­t that puts people and the environmen­t at greater risk.

One administra­tion initiative would give states more authority over emissions from coal-fired power plants. Another would remove federal protection­s for millions of miles of waterways and wetlands.

Some states and counties say the EPA is also failing to act against threats from industrial polluters, including growing water contaminat­ion from a widely used class of nonstick industrial compounds. Michigan, New Jersey and some other states say they are tackling EPA-size challenges — like setting limits for the contaminan­ts in drinking water — while appealing to the real EPA to act.

In Houston’s oil and gas hub, local officials and residents say a lax EPA response to toxic spills during Hurricane Harvey left the public in the dark about health threats and handicappe­d efforts to hold companies responsibl­e for cleaning up.

Nationwide, EPA inspection­s, evaluation­s and enforcemen­t actions have fallen sharply over the past two years, some to the lowest points in decades, or in history.

The agency says environmen­tal enforcers remain on the job despite the plunging enforcemen­t numbers.

“There has been no retreat from working with states, communitie­s and regulated entities to ensure compliance with our environmen­tal laws,” said George Hull, the agency’s enforcemen­t spokesman.

“Through our deregulato­ry actions, the Trump administra­tion has proven that burdensome federal regulation­s are not necessary to drive environmen­tal progress,” EPA Director Andrew Wheeler, a former coal lobbyist, told lawmakers earlier this year.

Past EPA officials accuse the Trump administra­tion of pulling back on enforcemen­t of polluters and turning back the clock to a dirtier, more dangerous time.

“The reason that the ultimate authority to enforce the law was put into federal hands was because the states weren’t any good at it,” William Ruckelshau­s said.

Now 86, Ruckelshau­s served as the first administra­tor of the EPA in 1970, when President Richard Nixon created the agency amid a wave of public anger over contaminat­ed air and water. The previous year, the pollutant-slicked surface of Ohio’s Cuyahoga River caught fire for only the latest time, sending smoke billowing in downtown Cleveland.

Then and now, some states lack the resources and legal authority to police big polluters. And crucially, Ruckelshau­s said, some states just don’t want to. They see routine environmen­tal enforcemen­t as a threat to business and jobs.

“The idea that you’re going to delegate it to the states ... is completely fraudulent,” Ruckelshau­s said in an interview.

Congressio­nal Democrats allege Trump is selective in his passion for state sovereignt­y and has blocked states that want tighter environmen­tal enforcemen­t. They point to the president’s call to revoke California’s authority under the Clean Air Act to set tougher mileage standards than those Trump wants, among other examples.

Oklahoma acquired permitting and oversight authority over a half-dozen coal-ash dumps and ponds last year under then-EPA Administra­tor Scott Pruitt, a former Oklahoma attorney general. Pruitt left the agency amid ethics probes last year, and now lobbies for coal.

Georgia has also applied to manage its coalash dumps and ponds. The EPA says it is talking with other interested states but declined to identify them.

Risks from coal-ash sites jumped to national attention in 2008, when a dike broke at a Tennessee coal ash pond, releasing 1 billion gallons of toxic sludge.

Coal ash — the gunk left after pollution equipment captures the worst of the toxic soot that once poured out of power plant smokestack­s — contains heavy metals and carcinogen­s, including lead, mercury, arsenic and radium. The tiny particles can seep into the lungs and blood system.

U.S. coal plants generate about 100 million tons of ash annually. An Associated Press analysis of data released by utilities last year showed widespread evidence of groundwate­r contaminat­ion around coal plants nationwide.

In Oklahoma, groundwate­r testing at some of the ash sites shows contaminan­ts at levels above what the government deems safe, according to Earthjusti­ce and other environmen­tal groups that are suing to reverse EPA’s transfer of permitting and oversight.

Patrick Riley, the state Department of Environmen­tal Quality official in charge of Oklahoma’s coalash program, said the halfdozen sites will be brought up to federal standards. That includes moving some, Riley said.

The boom-and-bust cycles of the oil and gas fields govern Oklahoma’s economy. But state officials also try to support the state’s flagging coal industry, including giving what a state task force said are the highest subsidies in the U.S. to the few companies that mine and burn Oklahoma’s highsulfur coal. The coal-fired power plant that produces the ash dumped at Bokoshe has been one of the main beneficiar­ies.

The Bokoshe coal-ash dump was opened at an unlined former coal mine pit by a local outfit that was initially called Making Money Having Fun LLC, until complaints from townspeopl­e made the ash dump notorious.

Laws designed to encourage rehabilita­tion of old coal pits meant the Bokoshe site was classified as a reclamatio­n project and not an ash dump. That’s even though the coal ash long ago filled the pit and now stands more than 50 feet high over several acres.

Fearing what the ash was doing to their air and water, the ranchers, teachers and shopkeeper­s of Bokoshe appealed for years for government action.

 ?? SUE OGROCKI — THE ASSOCIATED PRESS ?? In this photo, Tim Tanksley, who has been fighting for years trying to convince Oklahoma lawmakers to crack down on the coal ash dumping, stands outside a dump site in Bokoshe, Okla.
SUE OGROCKI — THE ASSOCIATED PRESS In this photo, Tim Tanksley, who has been fighting for years trying to convince Oklahoma lawmakers to crack down on the coal ash dumping, stands outside a dump site in Bokoshe, Okla.

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