The Washington Post

A familiar repression in Nicaragua

- BY OTTO J. REICH

While the implosion of Venezuela has, understand­ably, dominated Latin American headlines, another authoritar­ian government cut from the same destructiv­e ideologica­l cloth is facing a popular reckoning. In Nicaragua, for more than a month, hundreds of thousands have taken to the streets in nationwide protests demanding the ouster of autocratic president Daniel Ortega after nearly 12 years of corrupt rule. More than 70 Nicaraguan­s have been killed and some 800 injured as Ortega’s security forces and armed militants have unleashed their fury on unarmed civilians.

Outsiders may have been surprised by the sudden turn of events, but those who have been following Ortega’s systematic underminin­g of democratic institutio­ns and concentrat­ion of power and wealth knew it would take only a spark to upset his carefully laid plans to establish a family dynasty in Nicaragua along the lines of the Somozas — the family dictatorsh­ip that Ortega’s guerrillas once overthrew and, ironically, now closely resemble.

That spark came with the sudden announceme­nt of a social security reform requiring workers to pay more while receiving fewer benefits. When peaceful protesters demonstrat­ed against the changes, security forces and regime militants (known as turbas divinas, or “divine mobs”) descended on the unarmed civilians — mostly students and younger Nicaraguan­s — with a fury that shocked the country and only inflamed the situation. Ortega made things worse when he said the violent crackdown was necessary because “gang members” had infiltrate­d the protests. Rather, the worst violence has come from Ortega’s own Sandinista Youth thugs and police.

The country’s highly respected Catholic Church has stepped in to mediate between the Ortega regime and protest leaders. Additional­ly, Rolando Alvarez, bishop of Matagalpa and a member of Nicaragua’s Episcopal Conference, said “we hope there would be a series of electoral reforms, structural changes to the electoral authority — free, just and transparen­t elections, internatio­nal observatio­n without conditions. Effectivel­y, the democratiz­ation of the country.”

Many Nicaraguan­s are skeptical the talks can bring any resolution to popular frustratio­ns that have been building up over years. As Ortega and his vice president and wife, Rosario Murillo, arrived at a seminary in the capital, Managua, for the talks, critics chanted “¡Asesino!” (“Murderer!”) One student leader yelled: “We’re not here to hold a dialogue. We are here to negotiate your departure.” In the streets, they are chanting “¡Daniel y Somoza, son la misma cosa!” (“Daniel [Ortega] and Somoza are the same thing!”)

Their frustratio­n is justifiabl­e. Like former Venezuelan leader Hugo Chávez, Ortega sought to remain in power indefinite­ly, but lately he has planned to hand the reins to his wife. In pursuing that goal, he worked from the Chávez playbook: manipulati­ng electoral laws and eliminatin­g checks and balances by controllin­g the national police; co-opting the Supreme Court and legislatur­e; curtailing freedom of expression and repressing independen­t media; and harassing and hounding opposition forces and other critics. Unlike Chávez, however, Ortega did not destroy the private sector. Instead, he struck a Faustian bargain, with each side promising not to interfere in the affairs of the other. Neverthele­ss, not all business leaders collaborat­ed with Ortega.

But it seems now even the best authoritar­ian plans can quickly unravel. Notably, the military has signaled its displeasur­e with the deadly crackdown by Ortega’s police and regime militants, calling for an end to the violence — a strong indication they might not tolerate further wanton violence directed at civilians. Most of the private sector, which was not consulted on the social security reform, has also distanced itself from Ortega, as has the Catholic Church. In fact, the government has become so unpopular, it has had to transport supporters into Managua to stage pro-regime counterdem­onstration­s.

Moreover, the specter of Venezuela’s collapse haunts Nicaragua. The country benefited in recent years from regular yearly subsidies from Caracas of well more than half a billion dollars in oil, allowing Nicaragua to pay off cronies and fund unsustaina­ble social programs for the country’s poor. But now the Venezuela gusher has gone almost dry, placing increased economic pressure on the Ortega regime.

Nicaraguan­s are also aware of the disastrous denouement of chavismo in Venezuela — repression, corruption, societal conflict, shortages of basic goods and collapse of services — and have no desire to follow the same path.

But if Ortega has demonstrat­ed one skill, it is survival. He and his wife have dominated Nicaraguan political life for so long, and have amassed so much power, that his departure is not a foregone conclusion. It is up to the United States and other democracie­s in the region to hold Ortega to account and to support the Nicaraguan people in their effort to hasten a return to democratic order. Given Ortega’s long history of authoritar­ianism and lust for power, we should make sure he truly seeks a negotiated solution to the country’s current crisis and is not simply looking for a respite.

We are seeing what the hemisphere’s failure to confront oppressors has brought in Venezuela. Let’s not consign Nicaraguan­s to the same fate.

The writer is a former U.S. ambassador to Venezuela and assistant secretary of state for Western Hemisphere Affairs.

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