Times-Herald

Gerrymande­ring surges as states redraw maps

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North Carolina Republican­s are well positioned to pick up at least two House seats in next year's election — but it's not because the state is getting redder.

The state remains a perennial battlegrou­nd, closely split between Democrats and Republican­s in elections. In the last presidenti­al race, Republican Donald Trump won by just over 1 percentage point — the narrowest margin since Barack Obama barely won the state in 2008.

But, last week, the GOPcontrol­led legislatur­e finalized maps that redraw congressio­nal district boundaries, dividing up Democratic voters in cities to dilute their votes. The new plan took the number of GOP-leaning districts from eight to 10 in the state. Republican­s even have a shot at winning an eleventh.

North Carolina's plan drew instant criticism for its aggressive approach, but it's hardly alone. Experts and lawmakers tracking the once-a-decade redistrict­ing process see a cycle of supercharg­ed gerrymande­ring. With fewer legal restraints and amped up political stakes, both Democrats and Republican­s are pushing the bounds of the tactic long used to draw districts for maximum partisan advantage, often at the expense of community unity or racial representa­tion.

"In the absence of reforms, the gerrymande­ring in general has gotten even worse than 2010, than in the last round" of redistrict­ing, said Chris Warshaw, a political scientist at George Washington University who has analyzed decades of redistrict­ing maps in U.S. states.

Republican­s dominated redistrict­ing last decade, helping them build a greater political advantage in more states than either party had in the past 50 years.

Just three months into the map-making process, it's too early to know which party will come out on top. Republican­s need a net gain of just five seats to take control of the U.S. House and effectivel­y freeze President Joe Biden's agenda on climate change, the economy and other issues.

But Republican­s' potential net gain of three seats in North Carolina could be fully canceled out in Illinois. Democrats who control the legislatur­e have adopted a map with lines that squiggle snake-like across the state to swoop up Democratic voters and relegate Republican­s to a few districts.

In the 13 states that have passed new congressio­nal maps so far, the cumulative effect is essentiall­y a wash for Republican­s and Democrats, leaving just a few toss-up districts. That could change in the coming weeks, as Republican-controlled legislatur­es consider proposed maps in Georgia, New Hampshire and Ohio that target Democratic­held seats.

Ohio Republican­s have taken an especially ambitious approach, proposing one map that could leave Democrats with just two seats out of 15 in a state that Trump won by 8 percentage points.

Gerrymande­ring is a practice almost as old as the country, in which politician­s draw district lines to "crack" opposing voters among several districts or "pack" them in a single one to limit competitio­n elsewhere. At its extreme, gerrymande­ring can deprive communitie­s of representa­tives reflecting their interests and lead to elections that reward candidates who appeal to the far left or right — making compromise difficult in Congress.

While both parties have gerrymande­red, these days Republican­s have more opportunit­ies. The GOP controls the line-drawing process in states representi­ng 187 House seats compared with 75 for Democrats. The rest of the states use either independen­t commission­s, have split government control or only one congressio­nal seat.

"Across the board you are seeing Republican­s gerrymande­r," said Kelly Ward Burton, executive director of the National Democratic Redistrict­ing Committee, which oversees redistrict­ing for the Democratic Party. Burton didn't concede that Illinois' map was a gerrymande­r but argued that a single state shouldn't suggest equivalenc­y between the parties.

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