USA TODAY International Edition

Vaccine rollouts to leave many waiting

States’ allotments don’t cover all at highest risk

- Dennis Wagner, Donovan Slack and Aleszu Bajak

As health care workers and nursing home residents await the first scarce syringes of COVID- 19 vaccine, few realize that when they will get a dose depends a lot on what state they live in.

Though they’re first in line for the vaccine, some people in those groups may get vaccinated after people in other states who are deemed lower priority.

The vaccine is allocated according to the number of adults in each state, which doesn’t correlate to the number of high- risk people. As long as supplies are limited, some states won’t get doses proportion­ate to their needs.

In those places, medical workers and residents of long- term care facilities will be exposed to the coronaviru­s for weeks or months longer. They’ll be more vulnerable to sickness and death.

Nevada is one of the winners. According to a USA TODAY analysis of data from Surgo Ventures and Ariadne Labs, the state has relatively few residents in the highest priority group. Based on the federal formula, it will be able to vaccinate all front- line health workers and nursing home residents once the federal government distribute­s 13.6 million doses nationwide.

Massachuse­tts, which has a lot of medical workers, won’t hit that threshold until 25.5 million doses have been distribute­d across the country – potentiall­y weeks into the new year.

By the time Massachuse­tts vaccinates the last person in its highest priority group, Nevada could have moved on to lower priority groups such as el

derly people, teachers and grocery workers.

Washington, D. C., fares worst in the country. It won’t be able to vaccinate all its health care workers until 27.3 million doses have been distribute­d nationwide.

Mayor Muriel Bowser sent a letter this month to Operation Warp Speed leaders complainin­g about the “onesize- fits- all formula.” The distributi­on plan, she wrote, “will leave the district unable to provide vaccinatio­ns to the vast majority of our healthcare workers.”

Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar touted the per- person formula as fair. “We wanted to keep this simple,” he said.

“Easiest may not be ethically best, most defensible or best for public health,” said Jeffrey Kahn, director of the Johns Hopkins Berman Institute of Bioethics. “You want something that’s lifesaving to go where it’s most needed, not just evenly spread across the country.”

Officials with Health and Human Services and Operation Warp Speed did not address questions by USA TODAY or agree to an interview.

Vaccine rationing is inevitable

Each day, about 2,600 Americans die from COVID- 19, and about 211,000 new cases are reported.

Federal officials said they expect 20 million vaccine doses – enough to provide the first shot to that many people – to be distribute­d by the end of the year. That includes vaccines produced by Moderna and Pfizer/ BioNTech, both of which require two doses.

This month, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention issued guidelines urging states to dispense vaccines in three phases.

Phase 1a includes about 21 million health care workers, including nursing home workers, and 3 million long- term care residents.

Phase 1b covers essential workers such as police, firefighters, food workers, teachers and grocery store employees, as well as people older than 75. Phase 1c includes people 65 to 74, people 16 to 64 with high- risk medical conditions and other essential workers.

The 20 million doses expected by Dec. 31 would be nearly enough for every American in Phase 1a, according to estimates from Surgo Venturesan­d Ariadne Labs, a partnershi­p between Harvard University and Brigham and Women’s Hospital in Boston.

But under the per- person formula, 18 states and the District of Columbia would not have enough, leaving many in the highest priority group unvaccinat­ed by the time the government distribute­s the first 20 million doses, according to a USA TODAY analysis.

Other states would have a relative bounty of vaccines – enough to move on to other risk groups.

The analysis does not include doses allocated to five federal agencies, including the Department of Veterans Affairs and Indian Health Service. Warp Speed officials have not said exactly how those will be apportione­d. Nor does it account for a 5% reserve, which federal officials said is to cover distributi­on emergencie­s such as the crash of a plane loaded with supplies.

About 9.5% of South Dakota’s adult residents fall in Phase 1a of Operation Warp Speed’s plan, according to Surgo and Ariadne’s estimates. They would not all be vaccinated until the government has distribute­d 24.5 million doses across the country. South Dakota would be the third- to- last state to cover its highest- risk group, behind New York and Massachuse­tts.

Health care workers and nursing home residents account for just 5.8% of Wyoming’s population.

They would be inoculated when 14.8 million doses of vaccine have been sent out nationwide – the second- fastest state to cover its highest priority group, behind Nevada.

The Trump administra­tion, aware that rationing is a certainty, publicly debated who should get vaccines first. The president’s Coronaviru­s Task Force, Operation Warp Speed and the Department of Health and Human Services contemplat­ed the ethical, logistical and political factors.

This month, the CDC Advisory Committee on Immunizati­on Practices recommende­d that health care workers and residents of long- term care facilities be first in line.

Instead of setting up a national distributi­on system based on those groups, Operation Warp Speed leaders announced that states would receive vaccine supplies based on their adult population­s.

Lynn Goldman, an epidemiolo­gist and dean of the Milken Institute’s School of Public Health at George Washington University, said it makes no sense that federal authoritie­s instructed states to figure out who should get vaccines first but didn’t allocate based on that principle.

Lori Freeman, chief executive officer of the National Associatio­n of County and City Health Officials, said Warp Speed leaders did not get input from local authoritie­s, who have to carry out the national vaccinatio­n program and may get blamed for failures.

“We’ve been struggling the whole time to get a foothold” in federal decision- making, Freeman said.

“This is challengin­g no matter how you slice and dice it,” Freeman said. “There’s not going to be enough vaccine in the first rounds.”

Why feds chose this formula

Dr. Kelly Moore, associate director of the nonprofit Immunizati­on Action Coalition, described the vaccine distributi­on effort as an “extraordin­arily delicate dance,” in which distributi­on is the most difficult maneuver.

Because there will be multiple complicati­ons, including changes in supply and demand, Moore said a per capita formula makes sense. “There is great appeal to doing something simple and understand­able,” she said.

“Sometimes a blunt instrument is more useful in a situation like this,” Moore said. “I’m not sure the choice was an absolutely right choice, but it is a reasonable approach.”

She acknowledg­ed the simple formula may not work everywhere, and there should be some flexibility. She said cities such as New York and Washington may need extra doses because they have so many health care workers who commute from other states. Virginia and Maryland each plans to donate 8,000 doses to the District of Columbia.

Ester Krofah, executive director of FasterCure­s, part of the Milken Institute, said the vaccine is “a massive undertakin­g that demands simplicity in the execution.” A distributi­on formula based on the number of high- priority residents in each state would have made things more difficult. “You want to get the vaccine out as smoothly as possible and as efficiently as possible.”

Tom Bollyky, director of the global health program at the Council on Foreign Relations, said the population­based formula is “politicall­y and logistical­ly expedient.” It gives the Trump administra­tion a clear, politicall­y neutral approach. But it doesn’t make medical or ethical sense, Bollyky said, and it puts states in the position of figuring out who to vaccinate first.

When announcing the distributi­on plan in November, Azar suggested that inequities caused by a per capita formula would be temporary.

“Once we pass through these initial tranches where we’re in much more of a scarcity situation, we’re eventually going to get to the point where it would need to be per capita,” he said, “and so instead of having multiple methodolog­ies, we thought it best to keep it simple.”

That allowed Warp Speed to avoid an emerging controvers­y in bioethics: the complaint that traditiona­l vaccinatio­n campaigns unfairly leave out disadvanta­ged groups, especially people of color who are among those suffering most from the coronaviru­s.

Azar said federal officials asked governors for input before deciding on the population- based formula. There were few responses, he said, and “the feedback we did get was supportive of what we proposed.”

James Nash, spokesman for the National Governors Associatio­n, said the group wasn’t consulted on the decision and declined to comment on its potential impacts.

Peter Pitts, president of the Center for Medicine in the Public Interest and a former associate commission­er at the Food and Drug Administra­tion, said Operation Warp Speed’s developmen­t and production of vaccines has been “brilliant,” which makes the distributi­on plan all the more puzzling.

“I’m shocked that Warp Speed didn’t do those calculatio­ns” to determine how many at- risk residents are in each state, he said. “It’s not rocket science to know what that looks like on a state- by- state basis. It’s student intern work. ... I just think somebody did not have their eye on the ball.”

Patsy Stinchfield, a nurse practition­er and president- elect of the National Foundation for Infectious Diseases, said the population- based allocation “won the day” because Operation Warp Speed faced a “time crunch.” She said developing a formula based on vulnerable groups and disease control would have required research, plus a balancing of science, ethics and logistics. Instead, the administra­tion adopted a system based on simplicity. “I would not say it is an equitable process,” she said.

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