USA TODAY International Edition

Is the Reagan era finally at an end?

Government’s COVID- 19 failure led to Biden win

- Seth Cotlar Seth Cotlar, a history professor at Willamette University, is the author of “Tom Paine’s America: The Rise and Fall of Transatlan­tic Radicalism in the Early Republic” and co- editor with Richard Ellis of “Historian in Chief: How Presidents Int

It was Inaugurati­on Day and a young woman in Washington, D. C., looked up at snipers stationed on rooftops. “The whisper went round that they had received orders to shoot at any one crowding toward” the president- elect, wrote Julia Taft Bayne. Carl Schurz, a supporter of the new president, said he hoped that the departing president, a “man who had done more than any other to degrade and demoralize the National Government and to encourage the rebellion,” would now “retire to an unhonored obscurity.”

The year was 1861. The person to be inaugurate­d was Abraham Lincoln. The dishonored former president was James Buchanan, a defender of the centuries- old system of slavery and white supremacy that Lincoln and his vision of a more proactive federal government seemed to threaten.

Eight score years later, the nation will witness an equally tense and unusual inaugurati­on ceremony. It comes 14 days after a violent mob spurred on by President Donald Trump’s words stormed the U. S. Capitol to prevent the peaceful transition of power.

Lincoln’s inaugurati­on reverberat­es today not only because it took place under heightened security and in the context of a domestic insurrecti­on carried out by people waving Confederat­e flags, but also because it signaled an inflection point in U. S. history. It was a moment when citizens began looking to the federal government to use its power to bring the nation’s founding ideals into line with social realities that contradict­ed those ideals.

Galvanizin­g hostility

Since then, there have been two other inaugurati­ons that marked important shifts in how Americans thought about the role of the federal government. In 1933, Franklin Delano Roosevelt took office in an economic crisis of historic proportion­s, which the outgoing Republican administra­tion had seemed unable and even unwilling to confront in any meaningful way. FDR’s ambitious New Deal drew on Americans’ faith in the federal government as a positive force in their lives.

In 1980, Ronald Reagan interprete­d his landslide victory as proof that the nation had rejected FDR’s New Deal and its pro- government assumption­s. Since the 1960s, Reagan had been arguing that the “liberal” vision of politics embraced by most Democrats and Republican­s at the time was outmoded at best, and a slippery slope to totalitari­anism at worst.

One of his oft- used laugh lines was, “The nine most terrifying words in the English language are: ‘ I’m from the government, and I’m here to help.’ ”

Reagan led many Americans to believe that the federal government had virtually no constructi­ve role to play in domestic affairs, and that Washington was occupied by bureaucrat­s who did little more than waste “our tax money.”

Donald Trump and Ronald Reagan differ from each other in many ways, but their campaigns both galvanized hostility to the federal government. Reagan pilloried “Beltway elites” with a friendly smile as he spoke of a new “morning in America,” while Trump’s attacks on the Washington “swamp” and “American carnage” took on a more menacing and conspirato­rial tone.

The effect has been much the same, though: to encourage too many ordinary American citizens to see federal incompeten­ce, corruption and inaction as a norm — rather than as poor governance in need of reform.

21st century problems

After suffering through 10 months of a pandemic whose impacts could have been ameliorate­d by a competent federal response, more than 81 million people went to the polls in November and voiced their desire for an administra­tion willing and able to respond effectivel­y to challenges that we as individual­s cannot solve on our own.

On top of the coronaviru­s, America today faces a host of problems that call out for creative policy solutions at the federal level — from the looming climate crisis, to decades of income inequality, to police brutality and mass incarcerat­ion, to crumbling infrastruc­ture, to massive student debt and the inequities of our health care system.

The magnitude of these problems requires action at a commensura­te scale. A government small enough that he could “drown it in the bathtub,” as Reagan acolyte Grover Norquist put it in 2001, is not up to the task of solving the 21st century problems we face.

Reagan didn’t invent anti- government cynicism. It has deep roots in American political culture stretching back to the nation’s founding. We should not expect that one Biden term, committed to a concerted response to the pandemic and the unevenly borne devastatio­n it has wrought, will eliminate such cynicism.

Even so, just as anti- government sentiment runs deep in American political culture, so does the idea that “we the people” can invest the government with the appropriat­e powers to serve the general welfare. Utilizing government to improve the health and economic opportunit­ies of poor, working and middle- class Americans has the potential to re- inaugurate the pragmatic and democratic, pro- government tradition that Lincoln and FDR espoused, but which has had too few unapologet­ic advocates since the the Reagan Revolution of the 1980s.

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