USA TODAY International Edition

Capitol Police stockpiled riot gear. Where was it?

- Daphne Duret, Erin Mansfield and Nick Penzenstad­ler

A year ago, the U. S. Capitol was the kind of place where a suspicious flicker on a radar screen was all it took for police to lock doors and stop traffic on surroundin­g streets.

“We’ve got alerts for anything you can imagine,” Capitol Police Chief Steven Sund told a congressio­nal committee in February, explaining an incident Nov. 26, 2019, that sent parts of the Capitol into a half- hour lockdown while police investigat­ed.

Being ready to take decisive action quickly was crucial, Sund told Congress during budget hearings last year as he disclosed a 75% increase in threats to the Capitol under President Donald Trump. Sund told congressio­nal leaders that he needed a $ 54 million budget boost, including $ 7 million atop an eight- figure materials budget to upgrade equipment and supplies.

No one in the hearing objected. Yet three weeks ago, when the threats turned into the single largest attack on the main building under the agency’s protection, hundreds of officers were sent into the chaos with little if any protective gear. Their bare knuckles gripped the tops of lightweigh­t metal barriers that the rioters peeled off and used to beat them. A few officers threw punches, eyes wide behind blue surgical paper masks – the only shield between them and the throng of insurrecti­onists.

Flashes of heroism by the force during the siege added to questions of how Capitol Police could be overrun by a loosely knit mob of far- right extremists, rioters and hangers- on. The an

swers will be picked apart by the public, inspectors general and Congress for years to come, starting with a closeddoor House Appropriat­ions briefing Tuesday about what went wrong.

Whatever the department’s shortfalls, money wasn’t one of them: Capitol Police spend as much as the entire Dallas Police Department to protect a 2square- mile jurisdicti­on: the Capitol and its perimeter.

Growing threats against members of Congress was a bargaining chip for Sund in asking lawmakers for a budget increase for this year, as it had been for his predecesso­r, Matthew Verderosa. In 2019, Verderosa pushed for millions extra to prepare for the 2020 Republican and Democratic National Convention­s and January’s inaugurati­on.

The agency’s budget is shrouded in secrecy, largely because it is exempt from the laws that require most other state and federal law enforcemen­t agencies to disclose records. A nearly 600page list of itemized expenses from October 2017 to March 2018 offers a snapshot of how money flows through the department.

In 2017, the year Sund told Congress the department began experienci­ng the uptick in threats, Capitol Police spent nearly $ 10 million over a six- month period on tactical gear, cyber infrastruc­ture and related supplies. It spent an additional half- million dollars on controlled explosives and ammunition and almost a quarter of a million on external training.

Among the largest contracts was nearly $ 4 million to a company that provides electronic security, audio and visual surveillan­ce and cyber intelligen­ce. Almost $ 1 million went for X- ray security screening machines.

This year, Sund earmarked $ 22 million of the department’s nearly $ 516 million budget for equipment.

“They should’ve had everything they needed to protect the Capitol,” Rep. Maxine Waters, D- Calif., told USA TODAY. “Those barricades were so flimsy; it was a horrible scene.”

What went wrong, who’s to blame?

Ed Bailor watched the Capitol riot with tears in his eyes as outmanned and under- equipped police were overrun and beaten on live television.

Bailor led the threat assessment unit for the Capitol Police until he retired in 2005. In his 32- year career there, he commanded everything from the 400man civil disturbanc­e unit to the horsemount­ed officers.

After preparing for eight inaugurati­ons and the Million Man March in 1995, Bailor has doubts that leaders of his former agency could have failed to anticipate the threats leading up to Jan. 6. The force has spent millions beefing up physical security, he noted, such as reinforced concrete walls and steel fences around the building.

“It was police management problems, officer problems and members of Congress problems,” Bailor said. “There are ways to secure the building that could have been done faster and sooner.”

Sund resigned in the fallout from the Capitol siege, as did Senate Sergeantat- Arms Michael Stenger and House Sergeant- at- Arms Paul Irving. Stenger, Irving and Capitol Architect J. Brett Blanton make up the Police Board that coordinate­s protection for major events. Sund, as chief of police, was the fourth, nonvoting member of the board.

At least 17 Capitol Police officers have been suspended while investigat­ors look into how they handled the invasion. Officer Brian Sicknick, 42, died the day after rioters bludgeoned him with a fire extinguish­er, and 81 officers were injured, according to court records.

In her first public statement since taking over the department this month, acting Capitol Police Chief Yogananda Pittman apologized Tuesday for the failures. The agency should have done more to protect the Capitol, she said.

Pittman said Capitol Police had asked 1,200 officers to be ready for an attack, but only four of the platoons were outfitted with riot gear and less lethal ammunition­s – less than a quarter of the officers. She expressed the belief that nothing could have prepared them to prevent a protest of that size overrunnin­g the Capitol.

The Capitol, even in its layout and design, was made to be open and welcoming to citizens, she said.

“I doubt many would have thought it would be necessary to protect it against our own citizens,” Pittman said in the statement.

“We know the eyes of the country and the world are upon us,” she said.

Sund did not return several telephone calls from USA TODAY seeking to understand why the force’s advanced equipment was not on wide display Jan. 6.

In interviews with NPR and The Washington Post, Sund said he wanted to send more officers out in riot gear, but Stenger and Irving were concerned about how it would look, a claim that Pittman confirmed Tuesday. They would have needed to agree on a major show of force.

Sund said he tried to get military support lined up ahead of time.

The Post reported last week that Charles Flynn was one of the top military leaders in the room when the Army rebuffed Sund’s request for help as the rioters descended on the Capitol. Flynn’s brother, former Trump national security adviser Michael Flynn, pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI in 2017. He received a pardon from Trump in November and called for Trump to declare martial law and force a redo of the election.

Waters disputed Sund’s claims that he tried in vain to get help before the riot. She said when she spoke with him ahead of time, he mentioned only Washington Metropolit­an Police as a source of backup.

If Sund knew the severity of the coming threats and was unable to get outside help, Waters said, he and the board should have stepped up their own efforts. Barricades should have been stronger, she said, and every single officer on the ground should have been armed with the best protective gear available.

Handling threats top priority

Speed and intensity, especially in response to potential threats, was a consistent theme in Sund’s remarks to the House Committee on Appropriat­ions last February.

When a congressma­n asked Sund to explain the lockdown in November 2019, he described it as “a day I’ll remember for a long time.”

That morning, there had been a tip about a possible aircraft moving bizarrely near the Capitol. Something – no one knew quite what – showed up on a radar screen.

Capitol Police sprung into action. For 23 to 26 minutes, officers stood ready to evacuate the building. And nothing happened.

“It was nothing?” House Appropriat­ions Committee Chair Tim Ryan, DOhio, asked.

Sund shook his head and said it was nothing.

“It wasn’t a drone, it wasn’t a ...” Ryan continued.

“It was nothing, yup,” Sund responded. “It was a radar anomaly that wasn’t even in the area.”

By the end of the year, records show, Congress had approved most of Sund’s proposed budget for this year. A large portion was slated for an increased contributi­on to the federal employees’ retirement system, Sund said.

It remains unclear how the rest of the money – or the specialize­d equipment detailed in the 2017- 2018 expenditur­es – may have figured into Capitol Police’s response Jan. 6.

Three years ago, about $ 825,000 went to Smith’s Detection, a company based in Edgewood, Maryland, that makes X- ray security screening machines and other threat detection equipment, according to the company’s website. Yet rioters who entered the Capitol were photograph­ed carrying spears, poles and stun guns. One is accused of bringing in a gun.

MC Dean, a company in Tysons, Virginia, that provides electronic security, audio and visual surveillan­ce and cyber intelligen­ce, got $ 3.8 million. Yet Capitol Police appeared caught off guard as rioters scaled walls, pushed into tunnels and bashed in windows.

Daniel Schuman, policy director of the liberal advocacy group Demand Progress, told USA TODAY that the Capitol Police have essentiall­y been building an empire, and Congress rarely opposes their budget requests.

“This is the democracy death spiral,” Schuman said. “All this money is being siphoned off to go to the Capitol Police, and not only did they fail, but also they’re incredibly expensive.”

Despite the false alarm in 2019, everyone at the hearing in February agreed with Sund’s better- safe- thansorry approach to threats. That had been Sund’s mantra since he joined the U. S. Capitol Police as an assistant chief and continued after he became chief in June 2019.

Sund told the House committee that his officers had thwarted “a number of serious and credible threats” against lawmakers in cases that not only made national headlines but led to charges.

Days before Sund’s testimony, Jan Peter Meister of Arizona was charged with threatenin­g Rep. Adam Schiff, DCalif., that he would “blow your brains out” in a voicemail. Meister spent six months behind bars before a judge sentenced him to time served plus three years supervised release, the forfeiture of his firearms and a $ 100 fine.

In the hearing, Sund asked for and later received a more than 11% increase in the department’s budget – from $ 462 million to $ 516 million. The money, he said, included salaries, trainingre­lated overtime and security for the 2021 presidenti­al inaugurati­on.

“For any part of the federal budget, that increase is huge,” said Chris Edwards, director of tax policy studies at the Cato Institute.

Despite the massive budget, some suggested that cost remains part of the decision- making process for Capitol Police. Bailor speculated that the failures Jan. 6 may have been rooted in a basic budget considerat­ion: reluctance to spend more on overtime, especially with the inaugurati­on looming.

Threats rarely result in charges

Capitol Police officials said the force spends hours every day sifting through threats lodged by angry or deranged Americans, many of them citing specific, actionable harm. When their agents testify in threat case hearings, they make it clear that their mission extends well beyond the Capitol itself.

“We protect the 535 members of Congress, their employees and their families, both here on Capitol Hill, as most standard police department­s, and then nationwide, through our protection details and our investigat­ions,” said Special Agent Christophe­r Desrosiers, who tracked down Meister in Arizona.

Because Congress has exempted its police force from public scrutiny, no public accounting of time spent on threats exists.

In 2017, USA TODAY began requesting all investigat­ions from cases the Capitol Police passed on to the FBI to gauge the level and tenor of threats. Those documents reveal that although the FBI swiftly takes action on those cases, federal prosecutor­s rarely pursue charges.

In the resulting sampling, which spans decades, more than 80 members of Congress have been seriously threatened. Based on the thousands of pages of investigat­ive informatio­n sheets provided, those threats ranged from unhinged social media posts to letters and phone calls.

One man warned Sen. Cory Gardner, R- Colo., in a note that he should “get ready for a head stomping” and threatened his family. Another person called the office of Sen. Amy Klobuchar, DMinn., and said he would “put her in a body bag.”

After Trump took office in 2017, The Associated Press reported that Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, RKy., would work to repeal President Barack Obama’s signature health care law. Quoting the clip, a Twitter user wrote, “Yeah um I’m gonna kill Mitch McConnell don’t you dare.”

The threat was detected by the U. S. Senate Office of Protective Services and Continuity and forwarded to the Capitol Police, who notified the FBI. The writer turned out to be a Kent University student in Ohio, who admitted she made the threat but never intended to carry it out and had no access to weapons. After a nine- day investigat­ion, the U. S. attorney’s office declined to prosecute.

In 2019, staff for Rep. Rashida Tlaib, D- Mich., received a voicemail threat to the her life. Capitol Police investigat­ed, preserved the voicemail and sent it to the FBI. The FBI tracked the phone to a San Jose woman and interviewe­d her. Again, no charges were filed.

The fact that charges are rare frustrates law enforcemen­t officers, Bailor said. “I have to go tell that member of Congress, ‘ You know that guy from Minneapoli­s who said he’s going to shoot you and your wife? Well, that’s not being pursued anymore,’ ” Bailor said.

Waters expressed disappoint­ment about the handling of a threat in 2018. After someone attempted to mail a bomb to her office and she received multiple death threats, Waters said, she asked Capitol Police officers to see her home on nights she worked late on Capitol Hill.

Initially, they were happy to oblige, Waters said, but later, one told her that Irving, the House sergeant- at- arms, found out about it and told them to stop. Irving did not respond to requests for comment from USA TODAY.

“He took away whatever small measure of protection I had,” Waters said.

Waters raised the matter with Rep. Bennie Thompson, D- Miss., chairman of the House committee on Homeland Security. He told her there were too many members of Congress for the police to provide that level of security for each of them. Thompson did come up with $ 25,000 to pay for protection when lawmakers go to and from official duties.

“Official duties,” Waters repeated. “Well, I have to be careful even when I go to the grocery store.”

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