USA TODAY International Edition

DeSantis bill targets journalist­s, free speech

- Kate Ruane PEN America Kate Ruane is director of U. S. Free Expression Programs at PEN America.

Could President Richard Nixon have sued Washington Post reporters Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein for exposing the Watergate scandal? Could Sen. Strom Thurmond have sued the NAACP for criticizin­g his opposition to civil rights laws as racially discrimina­tory? Could former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton have sued Rush Limbaugh for joking that she once propositio­ned him in an elevator?

The questions may seem ridiculous in a country that values a free press and free speech, but a proposed new law in Florida, backed by Gov. Ron DeSantis, seeks to radically change the defamation protection­s that the Supreme Court afforded journalist­s – and everyone – in a landmark decision nearly 60 years ago.

Under the bill, HB 991, public figures would no longer have to meet a heightened standard to prove defamation if the statement “does not relate to the reason for his or her public status,” making it easier for politician­s to sue when allegation­s of infidelity or even of crimes committed before their assumption of office surface.

But the legislatio­n doesn’t stop there. Under the proposed law, any allegation that someone has discrimina­ted against another person or group because of their race, sex, sexual orientatio­n or gender identity would constitute defamation per se – making it far easier to subject the speaker to huge penalties.

HB 991 would do even more to make it easier to hold someone liable for defamation – a false statement about another person that causes reputation­al damage. Now, people whose statements are found to be defamatory have to pay damages to those harmed.

New York Times v. Sullivan

But the Supreme Court has long recognized that free speech must have a necessary amount of “breathing space” to survive. That is why, in the landmark 1964 case New York Times v. Sullivan, the court decided that when people are discussing public figures or matters of public concern, a higher standard for liability must be met.

People are only liable for making false statements when talking about politician­s or other public figures if the plaintiff can prove that the speaker knew or should have known the statement was false.

This means people can’t be sued for their opinions, mistakes and misstateme­nts. We can debate politics without being hauled into court to prove that every word we spoke was correct.

It also means that reporters and news organizati­ons are free to report on breaking news, government corruption scandals, emerging legislatio­n and the implementa­tion of new policies without fear that the politician­s they’re covering will sue them for harming their reputation­s.

This new bill, however, would declare statements made by anonymous sources presumptiv­ely false. And it would remove journalist­s’ right to refuse to reveal confidential sources.

The result:

If Woodward and Bernstein refused to identify the source of their Watergate reporting, as in fact they did, President Nixon could have sued for defamation and the fact that their stories were true might not have mattered.

It’s worth rememberin­g the facts of Sullivan to understand where the consequenc­es of this bill would be felt the most. In Sullivan, an elected official in Alabama sued The Times, as well as four Black clergymen, for publishing an advertisem­ent placed in The Times by the clergymen and other civil rights activists. The ad described police violence against civil rights activists in Alabama, criticized the police and asked readers for support.

The circumstan­ces are eerily similar to current events.

Around the country, policymake­rs are banning instructio­n on race, equity, inclusion, sexual orientatio­n and gender identity. With this legislatio­n, Florida politician­s seek to insulate themselves from criticism and weaponize the courts to chill speech.

It’s un- American

The effort flies in the face of what the Supreme Court has called “a profound national commitment to the principle that debate on public issues should be uninhibite­d, robust, and wide- open, and that it may well include vehement, caustic, and sometimes unpleasant­ly sharp attacks on government and public officials.” It’s un- American.

That’s doubly pernicious given the bill’s insistence that allegation­s of discrimina­tion automatica­lly count as defamation. Organizati­ons such as PEN America have criticized recent policies and decisions in Florida, including the Stop WOKE Act, numerous educationa­l gag orders and books bans as discrimina­tory and as disproport­ionately affecting people of color and people who identify as LGBTQ+.

Those criticisms are based on evaluation­s of the content of the books and curriculum targeted in the laws, which unmistakab­ly zero in on narratives and authors of these identities.

Now, each of these organizati­ons – along with thousands of ordinary people who spoke out against these laws – could be exposed to lawsuits simply for raising fact- based claims about the censorious nature of these policies.

Make no mistake: HR 991 is blatantly unconstitu­tional, but that doesn’t mean it can be ignored. At least two Supreme Court justices have said they’re willing to consider rewriting laws protecting freedom of the press.

More important, it’s a chilling sign that some politician­s aren’t content to enact discrimina­tory and censorious laws. They want the power to silence their critics. We must stop them from seizing that power before it’s too late.

 ?? WILFREDO LEE/ AP ?? Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis announces a proposal for Digital Bill of Rights on Feb. 15 in West Palm Beach.
WILFREDO LEE/ AP Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis announces a proposal for Digital Bill of Rights on Feb. 15 in West Palm Beach.
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