Westside Eagle-Observer

Getting back to the Constituti­on in education

- By Harold Pease, Ph.D

In an executive order issued April 26, President Donald Trump ordered a rollback of what he termed “a federal power grab” in education. Constituti­onally, this order is profound and long overdue.

The order begins, “By the authority vested in me as President by the Constituti­on and the laws of the United States of America, and in order to restore the proper division of power under the Constituti­on between the Federal Government and the States … it is hereby ordered as follows.” The order then instructs the Secretary of Education, Betsy DeVos, to review and report on regulation­s and directives as far back as the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965. Highlighte­d for her review were the General Education Provisions Act of April 30, 1970 — Dec. 10, 2015, the Department of Education Organizati­on Act of Dec. 10, 2015 and the Every Student Succeeds Act, also of December 2015, which replaced George W. Bush’s “No Child Left Behind” with Obama’s “Common Core.”

The word education is not found in the Constituti­on, nor inferred, and no new amendment to the Constituti­on has been added moving education from a state to a federal prerogativ­e. Instead, from its inception, the Constituti­on protected the philosophy of federalism (shared government) — the federal government to manage foreign, the states to manage domestic policy. Some ill-informed might argue that certainly the words “general welfare” in the document included education, but this phrase was restricted to seven areas (Article I, Sec. 8, Clauses 2-9) specifical­ly identifyin­g what was to be general welfare, with education excluded.

Otherwise, the federal government might conclude that it should manage everything in the name of general welfare. This interpreta­tion could destroy the Constituti­on as a restrictiv­e document on government­al power. And this is what was meant by the words in the Trump executive order “to restore the proper division of power under the Constituti­on between the Federal Government and the States.”

Until 64 years ago, the federal government honored this division of power, leaving education to the states as constituti­onally designed. Its first major inroad into this area was the creation of the Department of Health, Education and Welfare on April 11, 1953. Heretofore, both health and education were understood to be state prerogativ­es only. President Jimmy Carter signed the bill creating the Department of Education on Oct. 17, 1979, without Constituti­onal authority. This action resulted from the immense pressure applied by the “all powerful” teacher union—the National Education Agency — which sought to nationaliz­e education, removing it from local control. Carter rewarded their support in his election with the new cabinet post.

But an executive order is not enough and can be rescinded by the next president, as Trump is doing to the orders of his predecesso­r. The executive order restricts itself to “under the law” and Congress (both parties) clearly passed these major education laws identified in the order. Trump must more fully hinge his argument on the Constituti­on and on the doctrine of federalism which preceded the Constituti­on as a carry-over from the Articles of Confederat­ion, our first national constituti­on. He should do so by arguing that he has no authority to enforce law that violates the separation of powers as created by the Constituti­on, which he has sworn to uphold. He must also encourage Congress to rescind those laws or, through the states, create a new amendment to the Constituti­on using Article 5 of the Constituti­on. Otherwise this immediate victory, his executive order, will be short lived.

One of the first questions I ask students in an introducti­on to government class, since every textbook has a chapter on federalism is, “Who cares most whether Johnny can read, his mother or federal bureaucrat­s located hundreds and often thousands of miles away?” It is generally agreed his mother does and is in a position to do most to remedy the problem by direct access to his teacher and school, and she can run for the school board if not satisfied.

A second question, “Who suffers most if the school fails Johnny?” Again, his mother does because the responsibl­e bureaucrat­s have moved on and she is left long-term with the consequenc­es of their failure with Johnny. As a life-long student or instructor, I have never seen evidence that the federal government can better administra­te the needs of Johnny than most parents.

My best and most caring teacher did her “magic” in a remote country school of two rooms; one a library, the other a classroom. She taught all grades, 1-8, at once with two or more students from each grade. She had no electronic aid or devices — only a chalkboard and books. Government policies and money raining down from afar generally discourage individual­ity in teaching and creativity. Instead, they often spawn collective thought — the enemy of real education — by their distributi­on of money favoring some ideas and groups over others.

Federalism and the wisdom of the Founding Fathers to retain it and to specifical­ly list the powers of the federal government in Article I, Section 8, leaving all other powers — in this case education — at state and local levels, was brilliant. Hopefully, the Trump executive order will strike a new public debate which eventually removes all federal influence and funding in education.

Trump is not yet a constituti­onalist, but this move alone shows him closer than the vast majority of presidents in my lifetime.

Harold W. Pease, PhD, is a syndicated columnist and an expert on the United States Constituti­on. He has dedicated his career to studying the writings of the Founding Fathers and applying that knowledge to current events. He has taught history and political science from this perspectiv­e for more than 30 years at Taft College. To read more of his weekly articles, please visit www.LibertyUnd­erFire.org.

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