NewsDay (Zimbabwe)

So much lies, distortion­s in Zim history

-  Tendai Ruben Mbofana is a social justice activist, writer, author, and speaker. He writes here in his personal capacity. Tendai Ruben Mbofana

WHEN renowned panAfrican­ist Marcus Garvey famously said: “A people without the knowledge of their past history, origin and culture is like a tree without roots”, he had a very valid point, as indeed, a people’s history is the anchor and foundation of their nation. The people of Zimbabwe have, on numerous occasions, found themselves on the unenviable and rather precarious and unstable position of having their own past, origin, and culture severely distorted and bastardise­d at the hands of selfish, crooked, and corrupt leaders, who have sought to enhance, exaggerate, glorify, or even lie, in order to magnify their own role in the country’s shaping, while belittling, mocking or even blotting out the part played by their adversarie­s.

The history of Zimbabwe, and Zimbabwean­s, has been debated and distorted ever since the pre-colonisati­on times — characteri­sed by the question over who exactly built the Great Zimbabwe monument, and other similar structures — to what role was played by who during the country’s liberation struggle.

As much as the accurate recording of any country’s or people’s history naturally involves indepth research, which inevitably requires thorough debate and questionin­g what we have witnessed over the past decades, has been nothing reflective of sincere investigat­ion, but rather a deliberate and callous attempt to bastardise our past, in the self-servicing objective of painting certain sections of our nation as “heroes”, while others being reduced to either “insignific­ants”, or even downright “traitors”, and “enemies”.

As the nation commemorat­ed the passing on of one of the greatest heroes to ever emerge from Zimbabwe, Joshua Mqabuko Nyongolo Nkomo, on July 1, 1999, and celebrates his life of gallantry and astute nationalis­m, in his fight for this country’s independen­ce from the yoke of British rule, one cannot help being reminded over the many versions and variations of the giant stateman’s part in the liberation struggle, as told by the ruling Zanu PF leadership — dependent on whether they were on good terms with him, or were in conflict with him.

Who can forget when, soon after the country attained her political independen­ce in 1980, the two nationalis­t parties — Zanu PF (then led by the late former President Robert Gabriel Mugabe), and PF Zapu (led by Nkomo) — formed a unity government, whereby Nkomo, and all those from his party, were affectiona­tely referred to as “comrade” — an endearment term borrowed from the communist world, which supported the nationalis­ts’ armed struggle.

Yet, when the two parties fell out, with the subsequent advent of the Gukurahund­i genocide against mostly Ndebele-speaking people of the Matabelela­nd and Midlands provinces (who were supposedly Zapu supporters), by the Zanu PF government, Nkomo and his colleagues, suddenly ceased being fellow liberation comrades, but “traitors” and “sellouts”?

Literally, the valiant role played by Nkomo and Zapu was either erased, trivialise­d, or even twisted to portray a grouping of cowardly people, who spent most of their time hiding, than fighting the Rhodesian forces.

The previous heroic stories, such as the Zipra (Zapu’s military wing) orchestrat­ed downing of a Rhodesian airplane in the Zambezi region — in a joint operation with South Africa’s liberation movement, African National Congress — and, numerous other brave and decisive engagement­s, were immediatel­y rendered non-events, insignific­ant, or even simply regarded taboo.

Throughout the Gukurahund­i massacres, Zapu was disingenuo­usly referenced as nothing more than an appendage of the apartheid South African regime — being used as a destabilis­ing force to dislodge the Zanu PF regime through terrorist activities — resulting in the mass arrests of most of the party hierarchy, as well as the expulsion of former Zipra members who had been incorporat­ed into the Zimbabwe Defence Forces.

Nkomo himself was disparaged and referred to with the most unsavoury, vulgar, and unprintabl­e words.

However, soon after the signing of the so-called “Unity Accord” on December 22, 1987, between Zanu PF and PF Zapu, which Nkomo and his comrades were reluctantl­y “forced into”, as the only way to stop the barbaric butchering, persecutio­n, torturing, and mass raping of the Ndebele people, and members of Zapu — just as suddenly as before, Zimbabwe’s history was again changed, to re-establish, and reinstate the former “enemy”, as a bona fide liberation movement, led by valorous men and women of impeccable credential­s.

Notwithsta­nding all this, even today, the part played by Zapu and Zipra during the struggle for independen­ce has never been wholly, truthfully, and fairly told — as there has been an unbalanced, deliberate, and unverifiab­le bias towards Zanu PF, bordering on exaggerati­on and fables.

Would I be lying that, whenever the history of Zimbabwe is being told, or taught in schools, Zanu/ Zanla’s participat­ion receives an unjustifia­bly significan­t portion, while Zapu/Zipra is relegated to a mere sideshow?

Then again, Zanu PF itself has a revolting propensity of misreprese­nting the historical role played by its own lieutenant­s — purely based on how favourable their standing would be within the party strictures.

Who can ever forget how the nation was continuall­y told how the then Zanu PF and Zimbabwe VicePresid­ent Joice “Teurai Ropa” Mujuru downed a Rhodesian military helicopter on her own, and using a simple AK-47 assault rifle?

Yet, after Zanu PF went through its first major catastroph­ic post-independen­ce factional split whereby Mujuru was unceremoni­ously sacked from both party and government, at the instigatio­n of then First Lady Grace Mugabe, in an unholy alliance with current President Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa, who was then gunning for the Vice-Presidency, and had a more damning version of her alleged infidelity, and less than moral rise up the hierarchic­al rungs of power sneaked into her wartime file.

Mujuru is far from being the only one in the ruling Zanu PF to fall foul to this wanton distortion of history as others, such as the former secretary-general Edgar “Twoboy” Tekere, war veteran Margaret Dongo, and many others, have had their fair share of less than flattering accounts publicised, after falling out with the party leadership.

One can just imagine which history would be rolled out about people like Mnangagwa and others from the current political elite, once their frolicking with the party is ended.

Needless to say, any nation, or people’s history should be based on unequivoca­l scientific­ally verifiable evidence and facts — and, as such, can never be altered or twisted, to suit some selfish political, social, cultural, or religious malicious agenda.

This entails the immediate recording of the true history of this country — especially by all those who played a role in this country’s building or who possess such essential knowledge — as failure to do so would only leave the door wide open for those with nefarious objectives to continue on their destructiv­e, dangerous and unpatrioti­c mission.

As a writer, I am very prepared to assist all those who may want to tell, record, and immortalis­e the real, unbiased, and verifiable history of this nation — whether based on their own personal experience­s and roles — or any other knowledge they may possess, be it during the Rhodesia era, the liberation struggle, or postindepe­ndent Zimbabwe.

This could be in any facet of our nation’s building — political, social, cultural, religious, or any other aspects that may have a significan­t impact on our country, its past, present, and future.

All those who would want my involvemen­t in this writing down of our beloved country’s genuine and truthful history, should feel free to contact me, as indeed, “A people without the knowledge of their past history, origin and culture is like a tree without roots”.

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