Why corruption is endemic in Zimbabwe

THERE is a deep connection between the ruling elite and corruption. Both the ruling and opposition parties are mired in corruption. After the November 2017 military coup, followed by the election in July 2018, Zimbabweans were hoping for a change of governance culture and an end to corruption.

Before the coup, the ruling elite was gradually consolidating its power in Zimbabwe, and the ruling Zanu PF became a key element of the new system. They were effectively using their monopoly of the State media, administrative resources and access to financial support.

The ruling elite gradually gained control over the entire legislative branch and all levels of government, becoming automatic leaders of the ruling party.

With ever-increasing frequency, Zanu PF members, governors and mayors representing the ruling elite have either been charged or imprisoned for corruption, abuse of office and bribery.

After Zimbabweans voted against a government-supported Constitution, farm invasions and lawlessness at the turn of the 21st century was characterised by a new trend, organised crime groups began penetrating government structures through both Zanu PF and MDC.

Thieves and thugs of the 1990s and those who led the 2000 farm invasions and those who traded their leather jackets and gold chains for business suits and party membership cards in no time they too were occupying government offices.

Criminal elements essentially began using the structure of political parties as a means of upward social mobility. It allowed them to be integrated into the government system and to gain access to resources.

This process led to a dramatic increase in corruption and to wide-scale theft of the nation’s wealth.

Criminal structures were establishing strict control over entire sectors of the Zimbabwean economy. Several regions were left completely at the mercy of organised criminal syndicates acting under the protection of the ruling party and ruling elite.

Zanu PF’s leadership has acknowledged that criminal activity among its membership is epidemic and has gone further to introduce the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission.

The number of government officials arrested stands at only four and will continue to grow. The geography of crimes involving members of the ruling elite covers the entire country, as well as every level of government.

Anti-corruption commission and the law enforcement bodies have achieved some success, but they are generally unable to curb corruption that has pervaded the entire country and in some cases has even reached the international arena, with the latest being the current investigation of the former police Commissioner-General Augustine Chihuri.

Zimbabwe is in the clutches of a venal system. In order for one to get access to the feeding trough, one must simply share one’s profits with those who offer them protection, meaning the corporate executives are now participants.

As a result, since Zanu PF’s rise to power, the party has established itself as the only route for upward mobility for criminal elements.

These criminals have adapted and have managed to integrate themselves into national structures and government bodies by using the party’s resources and structures.

In supporting the political elites, Zimbabweans are contributing to a corrupt system that poses a danger to the State itself.

For decades, those in positions of responsibility have enjoyed a high degree of impunity, not taking precautions as they were confident they would not be caught.

The nation in general knows the state of corruption and there is now a citizens’ counterattack behind the unveiling of the major corruption cases in Zimbabwe that has caught them offguard, with Hopewell Chin’ono leading the onslaught. Jacob Kudzayi Mutisi