NewsDay (Zimbabwe)

CJ Malaba intra-elite fights: Workers must seize the moment

- Munyaradzi Gwisai Munyaradzi Gwisai is a lawyer and an ISO socialist worker. He writes here in his personal capacity.

JusTice, Legal and Parliament­ary Affairs minister Ziyambi Ziyambi’s unhinged, incendiary attack not only on perceived opposition-nominated judges but in particular “securocrat” stalwart High court Judge President George chiweshe and the threat to “transform” the Judiciary reflects a qualitativ­e change in the elite factional and tribal fights within the junta — increasing­ly approximat­ing those of 2017.

On one hand, there is the “Zanu PF-tribalised Lacoste faction” — around an emerging Midlandsce­ntred Karanga elite aristocrac­y, which is trying to lure into an alliance, as junior partners, other historical­ly aggrieved sections of the anti-colonial nationalis­t movement, namely Karanga elite from Masvingo and sections of the ex-Zipra, Zapu and Ndebele elites — the so-called south-south alliance.

On the other hand, there is a Vice-President constantin­o chiwenga-led tribalised securocrat faction supported by the hirtheto dominant and entrenched Zezuru elite aristocrac­y that faces displaceme­nt by the Karanga elite aristocrac­y.

Ziyambi’s inflammato­ry statement discloses his faction’s panic over a re-emerging cross-party elite alliance of the militaryst­ate-judicial and opposition elite backed by imperialis­t powers that was the framework that facilitate­d the November 2017 coup.

President emmerson Mnangagwa’s crude drive for a regionalis­ed imperial life presidency in constituti­onal Amendment No 2, perceived brazen corruption of the First Family, its cronies especially in the cartels and the yearlong unrelentin­g savage attacks on MDc Alliance have created the basis for this emerging anti-Mnangagwa elite alliance, for now playing out in the Judiciary.

underlying all this as in 2017 is an unresolved, deepening economic crisis and huge austerity attacks on workers, youths, the poor and lower middle classes.

For now it remains an intrarulin­g class, middle class-inspired and driven conflict, which may potentiall­y lead to another military interventi­on as in the November 2017 coup. Or it fizzles out if the junta elite finds each other.

Maybe the opposition middle class elite will again be played to provide a popular face to save a regime in terminal crisis as in November 2017 and the 2009 Government of National unity, and cry afterwards.

But what may be different from November 2017 is the role of the working class and urban youths.

in 2017, they were naive pawns used by the middle-class elite across the political divide.

But today they have learnt from that bitter experience. And most importantl­y, the unrelentin­g and unmitigate­d neoliberal austerity war on them under Finance minister Mthuli Ncube, especially the united states dollar wage theft in a “dollarised” economy has radicalise­d the working class and youths, and improved their potential unity as shown by the unpreceden­ted walkout from the tripartite negotiatio­n forum by disparate labour federation­s following their joint unions’ wage summit, including those historical­ly sympatheti­c to the regime.

The current deepening intraelite fights can potentiall­y develop into a wider inter-class social political conflict with revolution­ary implicatio­ns, if the working class and youth move in as a separate and independen­t force.

The present situation will dramatical­ly change if the working class and youth seize the moment and enter into the equation — adding their economic antiauster­ity class demands to the democratic ones already in play around the retirement of chief

Justice Luke Malaba and constituti­onal Amendment (No 2) Act.

No other class under capitalism possesses the same level of social weight and power and capacity to unite all oppressed classes against oppression and exploitati­on than the working class.

This is the lesson from sudan 2019, Malawi 2020, egypt 2011 and Zimbabwe in January 2019 and December 1997, and of course, most importantl­y historical­ly, the 1917 revolution­s in Russia.

The most critical demand that motivates and inspires workers across federation­s, politics, unionisati­on, gender or tribe is that of restoratio­n of the september 2018 us dollar salaries and pensions.

This, supported by demands for the return of all commuter omnibuses, 100% us dollar payments to all small-scale tobacco, cotton, maize farmers and artisanal miners as the economy has dollarised. And an immediate moratorium on all school, college, university tuition and examinatio­n fees for the second term is the noble thing to.

united action, including protests, boycotts, demonstrat­ions, general strikes and national shutdowns, organised around these demands and led by a united front of workers can win widespread support and dramatical­ly change the current situation. Forget 2023, the regime will not reform itself out of power as previously stated by one of its former ideologues. People’s power is the solution.

The preconditi­on to avoid a repetition of November 2017 is an independen­t class action, organisati­on and leadership of the resistance by a united front led by advanced workers supported by the radical youths.

such united and immediate interventi­on by the working class and youths can decisively change and transform the current escalating intra-elite fights into a revolution­ary inter-class economic and political struggles and correct the mistakes of November 2017. Are the advanced workers and youths ready to take up this historic challenge?

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