NewsDay (Zimbabwe)

Time to stop torture

- Paidamoyo Muzulu Paidamoyo Muzulu is a journalist based in Harare. He writes here in his personal capacity.

THIRTY-FOUR years is a long time. A very long time for Zimbabwean­s who still survive with the State security boot on their necks. Unfortunat­ely, it seems even the so-called new dispensati­on is reluctant to domesticat­e the United Nations convention against torture and other cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment or punishment (Cat).

The 34 years started when Cat entered into force on June 26, 1987 after 20 States had ratified the convention.

The convention requires signatorie­s to take measures to end torture within their territoria­l jurisdicti­on and to criminalis­e all acts of torture.

Many States across the globe were hesitant to domesticat­e or ratify the convention probably because all leaders at some point are autocrats and are accustomed to using force to consolidat­e power.

The UN General Assembly adopted resolution 39/46 on December 10, 1984. It took two-andhalf-years to have the first 20 countries ratify it into a law.

1984 and 1987 are significan­t years for Zimbabwe. By 1984, the State security apparatus was in the middle of implementi­ng Gukurahund­i.

Thousands of civilians in Matabelela­nd and Midlands provinces were systematic­ally tortured, inhumanely and degradingl­y treated under the guise of fighting dissidents in the region.

It is also important to note that 1987 is a poignant marker in the cessation of Gukurahund­i and the signing of the Unity Accord between Zanu and PF Zapu.

This is an agreement that created and brought the country closest to a one-party State.

Zanu Ndonga and Conservati­ve Alliance of Zimbabwe (formerly Rhodesian Front) had some insignific­ant representa­tion in Parliament.

It is critical to note Prime Minister and first executive President Robert Mugabe was not in a rush to acknowledg­e the State abuse of power during Gukurahund­i. His government did not ratify Cat.

Mugabe’s closest apology about that dark period that killed an estimated 20 000 civilians was during the burial of former VicePresid­ent Joshua Nkomo when he said: “Gukurahund­i was a moment of madness.”

While many Zimbabwean­s, particular­ly from Mashonalan­d and Manicaland provinces may not have had a closer experience of torture sponsored by the State, post 2000. Zimbabwe had bloody elections in 2000, 2002 and 2008.

Hundreds lost their lives for supporting the opposition MDC and thousands were left maimed or with broken souls from torture sanctioned or abetted by the State.

To many, it became apparent as after every bloody election the Zanu PF government would issue a clemency order.

No prosecutio­n ever visited those who committed torture or gross human rights violations.

They got away scot-free because they did the heinous crimes in the name of the ruling elite.

It was not only opposition activists who suffered at the hands of State security agents and Zanu PF functionar­ies, but also journalist­s and civil society activists.

The cases of Mark Chavhunduk­a and Ray Choto, journalist­s at The Standard, and Zimbabwe Peace Project director Jestina Mukoko proved this.

Chavhunduk­a and Choto handed themselves over to police over a coup story, but the police released them into the hands of the military or other shadowy State agents.

They were held in communicad­o for nearly two weeks. They were not released even in the face of court orders.

When they were finally brought back to the civil world, Chavhunduk­a and Choto had been brutalised, tortured and were broken.

They had to go to some Nordic country to get specialise­d treatment.

After their ordeal they both lived in exile unfortunat­ely, Chavhunduk­a succumbed to his injuries.

During the duo’s ordeal, Zimbabwean­s were alerted of the torture chambers in Goromonzi.

The journalist­s alleged and it was never denied that they had been taken to some place in Goromonzi, where the torture took place.

Goromonzi then took a new dimension to Zimbabwean­s, something akin to Guantanamo Bay in the United States — a place where human rights cease to exist, a place where not rules apply.

For Mukoko, it was a threeweek horror movie after she was abducted by State security agents from her Norton home one morning.

She was held in communicad­o for a whole three weeks and brutally tortured at various State torture chambers.

In both cases, Chavhunduk­a and Choto Mukoko, the State cases collapsed in court after it was proven torture had been used.

It is trite in both domestic and internatio­nal law that evidence, informatio­n or confession­s obtained through torture are not legally recognised.

It is a universall­y accepted view that a person will say or do anything under torture or even under the threat of torture to avoid the pain.

The question is: Why do States use torture? It is probable and the only reason that torture is used to breakdown a person, induce fear in those who witness it or the lucky ones who survive it.

It enhances the rule by fear and raises the status of perpetrato­rs to demi-gods.

The Constituti­on outlaws use of torture or degrading treatment. Why is Zimbabwe reluctant to domestic Cat?

It is time that the new dispensati­on once and for all domesticat­ed Cat and put on notice those that thrived on in fear using torture. Torture is inhumane and should not be tolerated in any society.

President Emmerson Mnangagwa the ball is in your court for you and your executive to finally put to good use your twothirds majority by enacting progressiv­e legislatio­n starting with domesticat­ing Cat for democracy to thrive.

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