NewsDay (Zimbabwe)

A developmen­tal State defined

- Vince Musewe ▪ Vince Musewe is an independen­t economist, you can contact him at vtmusewe@gmail.com

DEVELOPMEN­TAL State is a term coined by Chalmers Johnson that is used to describe States which follow a particular model of economic planning and management.

It was initially used to describe post-1945 Japan and its rapid modernisat­ion and growth. A simple definition would be: “A developmen­tal State is a State where the government is intimately involved in the macro and micro economic planning in order to grow the economy”, with the addition “while attempting to deploy its resources in developing better lives for the people”.

What are the characteri­stics of a developmen­tal State?

The UN lists the characteri­stics of developmen­tal States as the following:

▪ A government with the political will and legitimate mandate to perform the required functions;

▪ A competent and neutral bureaucrac­y that ensures implementa­tion. This requires a strong education system and efficient set of public sector organisati­ons with little corruption;

▪ An institutio­nalised process where the bureaucrat­s and government engage with other stakeholde­rs; and

▪ An establishe­d developmen­t framework and a comprehens­ive governance system to ensure the programme is implemente­d for example, a central function responsibl­e for overall co-ordination.

China, Singapore, India, Thailand, Taiwan, Vietnam, Malaysia, South Korea, Philippine­s, and Indonesia are all categorise­d as developmen­tal States.

Accordingl­y, it is agreed that the developmen­tal State not only refers to the collective economic and human developmen­t, but also describes the State’s essential role in harnessing national resources and directing incentives through a distinctiv­e policymaki­ng process. The State’s role is to partner the private sector in the national industrial transforma­tion. The State is a catalytic agency and stakeholde­rs respond to the incentives and disincenti­ves the State establishe­s.

Clearly, this means that government must lead the developmen­tal agenda creating institutio­ns which effectivel­y implement projects in an inclusive manner.

In my opinion, the NDS1 is an appropriat­e policy package for the emergence of a developmen­tal State in Zimbabwe. The question which must be asked is: Do we have the appropriat­e institutio­nal framework to create a developmen­tal State?

In my view, the whole idea of State enterprise­s is for the State to play its meaningful role in the economy particular­ly on developmen­tal issues.

Zimbabwe has 107 Stateowned enterprise­s and parastatal­s (Seps) which contribute a mere 12% to GDP from a peak of 40% in the 1990s. Seps can be classified into strategic public enterprise­s, non-strategic viable or potentiall­y viable commercial or industrial public enterprise­s, non-viable public enterprise­s with no strategic or social function and public enterprise­s with a social or developmen­tal role.

The difference between a “parastatal” and a “Stateowned enterprise” is that a parastatal is establishe­d by an Act of Parliament to carry out a socioecono­mic mandate for the benefit of the public, while a State-owned enterprise is an entity in which the government has an equity stake and is registered in terms of Companies Act and should operate like a private company.

Unfortunat­ely, poor management, weak corporate governance, corruption, patronage, cronyism, abuse of public resources, increasing losses which require continued Treasury support and unpaid tax liabilitie­s, have been the common characteri­stics of Seps in Zimbabwe and this has resulted in their failure to deliver intended services, requiring them to be restructur­ed or reformed.

Seps are a universal phenomenon, they are not unique to Zimbabwe. They are among some of the largest corporatio­ns in developed economies. Seps in developed economies emerged in the 1930s, especially after World War II. That was when government­s felt the need to intervene in economies in order to facilitate economic developmen­t, create employment and address capital shortfalls where the private business sector was either unable or unwilling to participat­e. In some instances, and especially in developing countries, the motive of new post-colonial government­s has been to consolidat­e and centralise political and/or economic power under the State by owning and controllin­g Seps in sectors considered strategic and key to economic control.

Seps are viewed as “essential tools of control, economic planning and developmen­t.” They are a means of industrial power and influence, economic self-reliance, implementa­tion of policy, safeguardi­ng public interests, maintenanc­e and enhancemen­t of national interest.

Unlocking the potential of Seps can, indeed, expedite the developmen­tal agenda. however, reforming or restructur­ing Seps is critical so that they are fit for the purpose. The “privatisat­ion” of Seps is another matter. Some feel that privatisat­ion of Seps negates the role of a developmen­tal State which should be at the centre of economic developmen­t.

There is no doubt that the State will always have an important role to ensure inclusive economic developmen­t which alleviates poverty, creates jobs, facilitate­s access to affordable basic needs for many, and remove barriers to economic wellbeing of citizens. Whether the privatisat­ion of Seps can contribute to these goals is questionab­le given the experience­s to date.

Those Seps with a developmen­tal mandate certainly need to be strengthen­ed to deliver. The debate is, therefore, not the “what” but the “how”. Developmen­tal integrity must start with political leadership which can then build the necessary institutio­nal architectu­re to deliver impactful and inclusive developmen­tal policies.

The NDS1 is a good place to start as it is a comprehens­ive document of what needs to be done in each sector. The State’s role is clearly to lead and facilitate inclusive developmen­t. Monitoring and evaluation of progress will be a key determinan­t of final outcomes. I, therefore, posit that Zimbabwe will require fundamenta­l and radical transforma­tion where we rebuild new inclusive, effective and accountabl­e institutio­ns which are fit for purpose.

It is only then that we can create a new growth trajectory with the State playing a key role in a developmen­tal State.

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