NewsDay (Zimbabwe)

Don’t read much into campaign crowds

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ZIMBABWEAN­S are set to cast their votes in key parliament­ary and local government by-elections tomorrow. The by-elections have the potential to set the tone for next year’s national elections.

Twenty-eight parliament­ary and 105 local government seats are up for grabs following recalls, deaths and diplomatic postings.

The polls were supposed to take place in December 2020, but were postponed because of the COVID-19 pandemic.

The by-elections have attracted huge national and regional attention. They will give communitie­s that have gone without representa­tion for almost two years a chance to choose their candidates. They also provide an opportunit­y for the youthful and charismati­c Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) leader Nelson Chamisa the chance to showcase the party he recently rebranded after breaking away from the MDC Alliance. This followed a bitter leadership struggle after the death of its founder Morgan Tsvangirai in February 2018.

Chamisa raised the political stakes by leaving the original party and rebranding his political grouping to CCC at the end of January this year.

Hopes for the opposition

Twenty of the 28 parliament­ary seats being contested — 71,4%

— became vacant after the controvers­ial recall of the representa­tives by a faction of the MDC-T party led by Douglas Mwonzora between May and October 2020.

The significan­ce of these byelection­s is also evident from the way the two main parties, Zsnu PF and CCC, have invested huge human and financial resources in organising campaign rallies across the country.

Rallies have attracted huge crowds and ignited political excitement in the country. They have also fuelled speculatio­n that the 2023 national elections, due in less than a year, will be a tight political contest between the two main parties. Some even say CCC poses an existentia­l threat to Zanu PF

The by-elections have even been described as a dress rehearsal for the 2023 elections which some think could be a watershed poll.

There are wide expectatio­ns that Zimbabwe’s opposition will be able to build on its earlier successes and capitalise on the deteriorat­ing political and economic conditions in the country to break Zanu PF’s authoritar­ian

control since 1980. There are, neverthele­ss, some caveats.

Need for circumspec­tion

It’s important not to exaggerate the impact of the poll.

First, it is unlikely that the huge public turnout at the rallies is going to translate to a huge voter turnout. That’s partly because byelection­s in Zimbabwe have always had a low voter turnout. For example, the 2018 general election showed a very low turnout. In some areas, not even a quarter of the registered voters showed up.

Second, political violence has spoiled Zimbabwe’s elections since 1980, and even more so since 2000. This is likely to dissuade some voters from turning up.

There have been clashes between Zanu PF and CCC supporters in the mining city of Kwekwe on February 27, 2022. One person was killed and several others injured.

Since then, media and human rights watchdog reports have noted that some supporters and leaders of CCC have been violently attacked by Zanu PF supporters and State security agents. This includes candidates for the by-elections. The violence could deter voters on election day.

Third, evidence from recent surveys suggest that Zimbabwean­s have become more politicall­y disengaged since the 2018 elections. An example is one done in June by the independen­t pan-African network Afrobarome­ter. Instead, they are turning their focus on economic survival in the deteriorat­ing economy.

The Internatio­nal Republican Institute’s survey on public perTHE ceptions of local government of October 2021 also shows an increase in citizen apathy towards political parties and community leaders. This is especially so for councillor­s and members of Parliament, due to loss of trust in representa­tive leadership. The growing trust deficit is strongly linked to increased corruption and irresponsi­ble leadership among parliament­ary and local authority officials.

Fourth, a growing number of Zimbabwean­s is losing confidence in elections as a mechanism for bringing leadership change at both national and local levels. This is mainly because of strong allegation­s of electoral fraud and the growing list of disputed election results since 2000.

The disillusio­nment is fuelling voter apathy. Most citizens feel that it is pointless to vote because it won’t change anything.

Fifth, attendance at political rallies cannot be taken as an indicator of likely voter turnout. Most people who attend rallies don’t necessaril­y turn out to vote.

Evidence from past elections indicates that crowd size is frequently not a good indicator of success on election day. Attendance of rallies is often motivated by different factors. These include a range of incentives on offer, such as free entertainm­ent, alcohol, food, T-shirts and other items of clothing. All are absent on election day.

And most people, who have been attending campaign rallies, especially in urban areas, are young. But a significan­t proportion of Zimbabwean youth — most of whom are unemployed and frustrated with the current political and economic statusquo

— are still not registered as voters.

Analysis conducted by Pachedu (a group of data experts that has been analysing the Zimbabwe voters roll since 2018) showed that in 2018, 39% of Zimbabwean­s aged between 18 and 34 were not registered to vote and nearly 50% eligible young voters didn’t vote.

Read full article on www.newsday. co.zw

This story was first published in The Conversati­on

James Muzondidya is part-time lecturer, African history and politics, University of Zimbabwe.

Munyaradzi Mushonga is a senior lecturer and programme director for Africa Studies in the Centre for Gender and Africa Studies, University of the Free State

 ?? ?? James Muzondidya/ Munyaradzi Mushonga
James Muzondidya/ Munyaradzi Mushonga

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