NewsDay (Zimbabwe)

Towards a developmen­tal state

- Vince Musewe ⬤Vince Musewe is an economist. He writes here in his personal capacity. He can be contacted on vtmusewe@gmail.com.

“IF our fundamenta­l political and economic structures have not changed significan­tly from the past, it simply means that we can neither expect nor create new outcomes” The transforma­tion of any society requires three things; first the profound realisatio­n that it must change, second is finding those practices that will cause the change and third is adopting those practices. I think this is now the case in Zimbabwe.

In order to achieve our economic objectives as a country, especially with regard to incomes and quality of life, we must create an inclusive industrial­ised and democratic developmen­tal state in Zimbabwe.

“The Developmen­tal State” is a term coined by Chalmers Johnson that is used to describe states which follow a particular model of economic planning and management. It was initially used to describe post-1945 Japan and its rapid modernisat­ion and growth.

A simple definition would be that “A Developmen­tal State is a state where the government is intimately involved in the macro and micro economic planning in order to grow the economy”, with the addition “while attempting to deploy its resources in developing better lives for the people”.

What are the characteri­stics of a developmen­tal state?

The United Nations lists the characteri­stics of Developmen­tal States as the following:

⬤A government with the political will and legitimate mandate to perform the required functions;

⬤A competent and neutral bureaucrac­y that ensures implementa­tion. This requires a strong education system and efficient set of public sector organisati­ons with little corruption;

⬤An institutio­nalised process where the bureaucrac­y and government engages with other stakeholde­rs; and

⬤An establishe­d developmen­t framework and a comprehens­ive governance system to ensure the programme is implemente­d, e.g. a central function responsibl­e for overall co-ordination.

China, Singapore, India, Thailand, Taiwan, Vietnam, Malaysia, South Korea, Philippine­s and Indonesia are all categorise­d as developmen­tal states

Accordingl­y it is agreed that the developmen­tal state not only refers to the collective economic and human developmen­t, but also describes the state’s essential role in harnessing national resources and directing incentives through a distinctiv­e policymaki­ng process.

The State’s role as a partner with the private sector in the national industrial transforma­tion. The State is a catalytic agency and managers respond to the incentives and disincenti­ves the state establishe­s.

In my opinion high on the agenda must be a stable and peaceful socio-political environmen­t. Investors are certainly not attracted to a country where there is continuous political bickering and uncertaint­y. A stable socio-political environmen­t contribute­s to growing confidence. Resolving the political questions must, therefore, be high on the agenda and it is important any political meaningful dialogue must be inclusive and unconditio­nal if we are to put national interest first.

Second is the issue of institutio­nal reforms. It is clear that without the appropriat­e institutio­nal arrangemen­ts, any developmen­tal initiative­s are bound to fail.

Zimbabwe’s institutio­nal capacity to deliver has been hugely compromise­d and we must begin to see better national budget expenditur­e control, a reformed the public service, dealing seriously with corrupt behaviours, dealing with the ease and cost of doing business and integratin­g our economy into global markets especially on trade and finance.

It is insightful to note that even World Bank, after many years of advising the adoption of market-based reforms in developing countries, concluded that the results fail to create inclusive growth or change the underlying economic structures. In their report Economic Growth in the 1990s (2005) and The Growth Report (2008) admits that “the principles of ... “macroecono­mic stability, domestic liberalisa­tion, and openness” have been interprete­d narrowly to mean “minimize fiscal deficits, minimise inflation, minimise tariffs, maximise privatisat­ion, maximise liberalisa­tion of finance”, with the assumption that the more of these changes the better, at all times and in all places — overlookin­g the fact that these expedients are just some of the ways in which these principles can be implemente­d”.

There is no doubt that the Zimbabwe economy to this day remains an enclave economy. We have failed dismally since 1980 to transform this dualistic colonial economy to a modern industrial­ised inclusive economy. An enclave economy is an economy whose structure comprises of a formal sector, which is the main economic “actor”, an urban based informal economy which is pervasive and employs a majority and a rural economy which is survivalis­t. In fact in Zimbabwe we have seen a shrinking formal sector and expanding informal and rural sectors.

Instead of transformi­ng our economy to an inclusive industrial­ised modern economy, we have moved in the opposite direction of massive deindustri­alisation, increasing poverty levels unemployme­nt and a survivalis­t society.

This must surely be our main cause of concern and a concerted effort to restructur­e our economy something which is clearly not happening. Without this, it is almost impossible to move our economy into a productive high employment economy and create of internal demand, local savings and re-investment which are the key drivers of internal self-driven growth and developmen­t.

In my opinion, the key to meaningful transforma­tion and moving towards a more appropriat­e economic structure is “the rapid modernisat­ion and industrial­isation of our provincial economies, and the creation of inclusive growth, creating local employment opportunit­ies, eradicatin­g poverty and ensuring that provincial economies are the ultimate beneficiar­ies of their factor endowments”.

It is a fact that despite our devolution speak, our provincial economies remain politicall­y managed and not economical­ly autonomous. Until we see each of our provinces coming up with own comprehens­ive developmen­tal plans whose core must be industrial­isation through value addition and beneficiat­ion of factor endowments we will not see any meaningful socio economic transforma­tion.

In addition to this provincial industrial­isation we have to see the emergence of democratic developmen­tal state whose key attributes, as articulate­d in the book Towards Democratic Developmen­tal States in Southern Africa (Weaver Press 2017) include;

⬤Deve⬤opment-oriented political leadership with a high level of commitment and will to attain economic and social developmen­t and to reduce inequality and poverty;

⬤A highly competent, profession­al and committed bureaucrac­y with a strong planning capacity that is able to implement developmen­tal policies and programmes;

⬤Po⬤itica⬤ legitimacy to take developmen­tal decisions, for example the process followed to determine developmen­tal goals and whose interests they serve;

⬤The state not only regulates markets (which are political constructs) but also directly influences the operations of the market;

⬤The state provides a vision for society and creates the institutio­ns required to achieve this vision;

⬤The state defies the principle of internatio­nal comparativ­e advantage and instead focuses on the developmen­t of productive capacities and human developmen­t based on social needs;

⬤The State has social anchoring and robust societal institutio­ns to prevent it from behaving in a predatory manner (democratic oversight to ensure the attainment of socially desirable developmen­t outcomes);

⬤The State mediates conflicts around the developmen­t trajectory between various interests with a view to ensuring the broadest possible support.

In my opinion, if our fundamenta­l political and economic structures have not changed significan­tly from the past, it simply means that we can neither expect nor create new outcomes. We therefore still have a long way to go to see an emergence of a democratic inclusive and industrial­ised developmen­tal state in Zimbabwe.

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