A stalwart in the struggle for Zimbabwe’s independence
N K Ndlovu obituary — continued NAISON Khutshwekhaya Ndlovu became involved in Zapu politics at a time when white political opinion in Southern Rhodesia was radicalising. White economic interests were stronger in Southern Africa than elsewhere on the African continent and, by the way, that remains so to this day.
The Dominion Party led by Winston Field was soon to become the Rhodesian Front (RF) which gained appreciable support from the white farming community. Ian Douglas Smith, a Rhodesian Air Force (RAF) pilot during the Second World War(1939-1945) took over leadership of the RF.
By 1964 Ian Smith and his ilk had decided to throw nationalist leaders into restriction and detention camps and also into prisons. That came after the split in the nationalist movement in 1963. Zapu and Zanu leaders were incarcerated in 1964 with the former being restricted at Gonakudzingwa near the border with Mozambique while the latter were taken to Sikombela. Zapu leader Joshua Nkomo, his deputy Josiah Chinamano and his wife Ruth, Daniel Madzimbamuto were among the pioneers at Gonakudzingwa.
Those nationalists who remained out of detention and restriction camps used to visit their leaders at their places of incarceration. Naison Khutshwekhaya ( NK) was among those Zapu leaders who used to visit restrictees in Gonakudzingwa. On some occasions NK was accompanied by Daniel Ndlela from Makokoba Township, Todd Khumalo from Njube Township and Dan Sigola. Little did NK suspect he would be next on the firing line. NK was restricted at Gonakudzingwa in 1965.
NK remained under restriction till 1968. The Rhodesian Front regime had declared Unilateral Declaration Independence (UDI) on 11 November 1965. In fact, the restriction of nationalists in 1964 was done in anticipation of the move to throw them into restriction. More nationalists were restricted after UDI in order to forestall political resistance to UDI with them as rallying points. At the time when he was hauled to Gonakudzingwa, he was working at the Jairos Jiri Rehabilitation Centre for the Disabled in Nguboyenja Township.
After his release he could not go back to Jairos Jiri as he was not expected to get involved in political activities when he was a teacher. He then found employment in the private sector. He joined Damic Leather Factory where he made leather bags in line with his industrial qualification from Umzingwane Industrial Government School. The company was owned by one industrialist named Harris who also owned a milling company named after him.
NK did not devote all his time to nationalist politics. He was involved in Southern Rhodesia’s racially segregated sport. Blacks participated in soccer, netball, cycling, athletics and boxing. Soccer was an active sport in Bulawayo, in particular, after the founding of Matabeleland Highlanders Football Club (now Highlanders Football Club) and Mashonaland Football Club (now Zimbabwe Saints) among other soccer teams. At the time there was no national premier soccer league. In Bulawayo there was the Bulawayo African Football Association (Bafa) whose offices were where the Barbourfields Stadium is located today. NK served on the Bafa board whose president was WT Ngwenya at the time when Nick J Mabodoko was its chairman. Other board members at the time included JZ Ndemera, Benjamin Dube, Reuben Zemura and Cleto Zharare.
Following the UDI British Prime Minister Harold Wilson convened constitutional talks on British Frigates HMS Tiger and HMS Fearless. The talks did not yield any positive results. By that time the two nationalist parties had decided to initiate the armed liberation struggle from outside Rhodesia. However, the British government continued with efforts to resolve the Rhodesian constitutional impasse. Alec Douglas-Home, the British Foreign Secretary crafted some constitutional proposals which were then put to a test of acceptability.
The nationalists were still languishing in detention and restriction camps and so could not participate in the campaign against the sellout proposals. Zapu leaders at Gonakudzingwa asked Masotsha Ndlovu’s wife who was visiting her husband in Gonakudzingwa to smuggle a letter to Bishop Abel Tendekayi Muzorewa of the United Methodist Church to lead opposition to the proposals whose test for acceptability was led by Lord Pearce (of the Pearce Commission). Bishop Muzorewa and Reverend Canaan Sodindo Banana were chosen on the grounds of being the clergy who could fill in the gap in the absence of detained nationalists.
The outcome to the Pearce Commission was an emphatic “NO” vote. As if to punish the nationalists who rallied their supporters against the proposals, Ian Smith threw some of them into restriction camps. NK, alongside Peter Njini, John Mzimela, Boysen Mguni, Lawrence Ndlela and Dan Ngwenya were taken to Whawha outside Gwelo (now Gweru). Meanwhile, the armed struggle was gathering momentum. Pioneering cadres had been trained in China before 1963. Others such as Moffat Hadebe trained in Algeria and his group, which included in its ranks, Elliot Ngwabi was the first to fire shots in Zimbabwe’s armed struggle at Zidube Ranch, in Mambale in 1964. Other cadres trained in Ghana in 1963.
As from 1964 Zapu cadres trained in the Soviet Union and her allies. Later, there was more training on the African continent, in Tanzania (Kongwa) and Algeria (Cheri Cheri). Later, training took place in Zambia (e.g. Membership, Freedom, Mulungushi, CGT 1 and 2 and Mkushi) where military camps were established following relocation to that country following her attainment of independence in 1964. Later still, military training was undertaken in Angola following that country’s independence in 1975. Alfred Nikita Mangena, who had succeeded Akim Ndlovu in 1971, was ZPRA (Zapu’s military wing) commander at the time when NK went to Zambia to join the liberation struggle.
Nkomo had relocated to Lusaka following the death of Jason Ziyapapa Moyo in January 1977. Other nationalists, released from detention as part of the détente exercise initiated by US Secretary of State Dr Henry Kissinger meant to decelerate the pace of the armed struggle, joined Nkomo in Zambia. Some of them were Joseph Msika, Chief Jonathan Mangwende, Amon Jirira, and Samuel Monodawafa.
NK lived at Makeni in Lusaka and was responsible for the welfare of refugees, trainee and trained guerrillas and other cadres in Zambian camps such as Victory Camp (VC), Freedom Camp (FC), Nampundwe Transit Camp and Workers Camp. NK was responsible for growing vegetable produce that was supplied to the camps. He looked after Zapu buildings and the general welfare of Zapu cadres in the various camps. In September 1978, the Rhodesian forces waged cross border bombings on ZPRA’s camps in Zambia and also in Angola. Many cadres lost their lives and those who had been wounded needed the services of NK’s welfare department. NK visited camps both in Zambia and Angola to assess the welfare and medical needs in camps following the dastardly airborne attacks by the Rhodesians.
When the war engulfed Rhodesia and ZPRA was supplied with sophisticated weaponry by the Soviets, NATO allies got alarmed. ZPRA had crafted the Turning Point Strategy within which was the Zero Hour component. The Soviets had to be checkmated to avoid threat to Western economic interests in Southern Africa. An outright military victory was forestalled through the convening of the Lancaster House Talks in London from September 1979. A ceasefire was brokered and the war ended. It was time to go back home for the nationalists and guerrillas to take part in the electoral process.
When others went back home NK would not do so immediately. There were some refugees still in Zambia who required his services. By the time he came back home, Zapu had already drawn up its list of candidates for the 1980 general elections. He, however, was involved in the election campaign for his party.
When others went into Parliament NK was not among them. Another post awaited him in Bulawayo’s City Council. Political upheavals in Bulawayo in 1980 and 1981 led to the delay in blacks taking over the running of council. We are here referring to Entumbane I and Entumbane II when ZPRA and Zanla clashed in the suburb of Entumbane. However, the black majority Bulawayo City Council was constituted in June 1981. NK was elected by the councillors to be their first black Mayor (replacing Mike Constandinos) with Enos Mdlongwa as his deputy. His election did not come as a surprise. He had, in the 1960s, served as chairman of the Bulawayo United Residents Association (Bura) at the time when blacks were not allowed to contest elections as city fathers. Instead, they were given the chance to contest for positions in the toothless bull dog, the Bulawayo Advisory Board. NK had played his part in bringing about peace after many years of a protracted war in which many lost their lives. Zimbabwe was born and he was later, in the post independence era, to play a prominent role to broker some unity between PF-Zapu and Zanu-PF. May his very dear soul
rest in eternal peace.
The model of redressing our national plights has been nothing short of failed corrections stretching before last June and complemented by a current limping attempt to dislodge Zanu-PF using a regrouping of failed alternatives-CODE; MoM; NERA. I believe that it is important to remind my humble readers that it’s over a year now and the country has not been shut down. The conundrum impelled by social movements to make you believe that Zimbabwe will be no more in 2017 was a well curated fallacy, successful to be imprinted on the walls of the World’s Greatest Lies.
Here we are today, a year over, with better harvests, good weather, command agriculture, bond notes working fairly well, Zanu PF still in power and democracy still prevailing, in fact we are registering a new political party every day since that failed intent of national discord.
From exclaiming the exit of Zanu-PF, they now scream for a colossal voter registration which indeed is a good prescription for their loss come 2018. We shall vote and they shall shut up: The part when some shall shut down their personal ambitions and institution doors as funding will be immediately shut — 2018 will shut down some dreams. Happy 1st anniversary of failing. See you next year.
I thought about how the infamous shutdown failed as a corrective measure to all the socio-political ills we have as a nation, still lodged in that process, I discovered that there is a horde of failed corrections which we do not take time to think about because we fritter much of our time either laughing at the abrupt failure or hating one party for no perceptible reason.
This article is directed to the undecided voter whose schisms of decision are constructed by a popular narrative that; vote anything but Zanu-PF without constructive reasons.
In that lieu, the undecided voter knows no other party except to continuously vote for thieves, crooks and incompetent people in MDC-T who have been excellent at theft delivery.
I need not remind you of the pilgrimage of them who have been sacked from the Bulawayo City Council chambers, it’s a shame that the Democratic change’s movements have been robbery steps, robbing the masses of accountability, robbing the residents of Zimbabwe credible opposition tenacity, robbing its supporters electoral promises but successfully imposing candidates in Bulawayo — oh how undemocratic! The irony of the party’s name and how the tenets of democracy are dispelled is a monumental insult to everything political liberalism stands for.
The first failed correction is the movement itself. For a little over 17 years MDC has failed to dislodge Zanu-PF because the movement was not conceived on a shared ideology which protects the Zimbabwean idea but was a conglomerate of convenience — a bunch of angry men and women.
Because of varying individual political aspirations divorced from national identity, ideology and political stamina, 2005 became the first iconic blow when either Welshman or Gibson were sacked or Tsvangirai was expelled — but sacking happened.
No one acknowledges the truth except that they extensively and irrevocably varied on political principle — which one? I wonder because they have none. Word has it that Morgan Tsvangirai and his cronies despised the idea of contesting in Senate elections yet the constitutional Professor forecasted better yields for the party should they run.
At that turn of the epoch, MDC bore a movement which was tattooed with personal names. One became “yaTsvangirai” (MDC-T), the other “EkaNcube” (MDC) I also know of MDC99 formed by Job Sikhala — another failure.
The nation should remember the hostilities between the two, the maiming