Journey to koByo: Some aspects of spatial organisation

WHEN we study the various aspects of Old Bulawayo, we do so in order to understand more fully the Ndebele way of life. We seek to know their history, social organisation, economic production, cultural traditions and, indeed, their spirituality and cosmologies.

Old Bulawayo was established in 1870 following the ascension of Prince Lobengula kaMzilikazi kaMatshobana the founder of the Ndebele Nation and State in about 1820. Ethnographic studies do indicate the Ndebele were an integral part of the Nguni people who were the descendants of one Mnguni whose better-known sons were Xhosa, Luzumani, Swati/Swazi and Ndebele. It should be apparent that the four sons were the founders of the following peoples: the Xhosa, Zulu, Swazi/Swati and the Ndebele who embrace King Mzilikazi’s Ndebele and the Ndebele in Mpumalanga who include Mabhena, Mahlangu, Sibindi, Mkhwananzi (Gawu/Makhwentaba), Masuku (Phenyane/ Dungandaba), Sikhosana and many others.

Inevitably, there will be some expectations regarding some shared histories, cultural traditions, spirituality, cosmologies and a lot more. Whereas the Ndebele incorporated some people who they found already settled in south-western Zimbabwe there are dominant features that associate them with the Ngunis of southern Africa.

Given this historical background, there are expectations that arise. To these we now turn so that we may identify aspects that link the Ndebele with their kith and kin in South Africa where they migrated from in the 19th century. We shall consider in particular the layout or spatial arrangements of their settlements with reference in particular, to the royal one.

Depending on several factors, communities will build environments in different ways. A careful scrutiny of the built environment will reveal quite a lot about creators, builders and users of that built environment. The mind builds and so the final physical product should be a mirror image of the mental creation, a product of artistic rendering.

The aspect that we begin with is layout of the built environment, that Old Bulawayo in this case. Various archaeological research methodologies such as topographical surveys, geophysical surveys and excavations. We are able to draw on the results of these surveys and some ethnographic and historical surveys to glean definitive aspects regarding the Ndebele way of life in the 19th century.

Further, we should be able to identify changes resulting from changed circumstances. One aspect relating to this consideration is improved security. During their travels from KwaZulu-Natal, the Ndebele faced challenges resulting from, inter alia, cattle rustling. The horseriding Griquas, amaLawu/amaHiligwa in association with the Sotho-Tswana groups resulted in the cattle byres being centrally located. Similar threats must have existed long back as this Central Cattle Pattern (CCP) already existed.

Cattle rustlers would have to breach the defensive wooden palisades of the commoners in the peripheral enclosure. In terms of layout, the royal cattle byre was not centrally located. Instead, the royal cattle byre was part of the royal double wooden palisade.

This was a departure from the situation obtaining in KwaZulu-Natal where the cattle byre was centrally located. Once the Ndebele were settled in south-western Zimbabwe, they did not face a similar threat and that phenomenon was testified to by the migration of the cattle byre from the centre to the royal wooden palisade.

However, the broader centre-periphery arrangement of the royal town was maintained.

The royal enclosure was located at the centre with the King’s huts/houses located up-slope from the entrance, isango. As we pointed out in an earlier article, the King occupied the highest rung in the sociopolitical and economic ladder.

His social status was depicted on the physical landscape. No one lived above the King, both in the socio-political and physical senses. Old Bulawayo was located on some kind of gently sloping plateau. The slope was progressively getting higher and higher in terms of altitude. The king located himself at the pinnacle of the slope.

Essentially, the king and queens and other socio-political high-ups such as the chief of chiefs, induna yezinduna, Magwegwe Fuyana occupied the highest ground. This was indeed in line with Nguni ideas. The queens were not of the same status. Their diverse statuses were reflected on the ground. King Lobengula’s hut was followed closely by that of his sister Princess Mncengence.

Princess Mncengence, also referred to as Nina, occupied the position that would, under normal circumstances, have been taken up by the senior queen. As we know, the senior Queen Xhwalile Nxumalo lived at some minor royal town known as eMganwini which was a counterpart of eMvutshwa and eMatshamhlophe. During Inxwala ritual and ceremony the king’s sister took to the dance floor with her brother.

Spatial arrangement displayed the hierarchy of political power and social standing. This was the case within the royal enclosure. Power diminished as one moved from the back towards the entrance. This was the case with regard to the king’s quarters, the queens’ quarters and the rest of the residents living within the royal enclosure.

Wooden palisades demarcated spaces in accordance with considerations such as political power, social status, different utilities and the need to provide privacy. The wooden palisade that demarcated the royal enclosure was double. There were two parallel circular arrangements of the wooden posts. At the top end, the two parallel sets of wooden posts came together. That arrangement allowed standing men to patrol the royal enclosure while moving within the double wooden palisade.

In a separate article, we shall look at individual structures with a view to identifying their utilities and how they fitted into the spatial arrangement of the royal enclosure. As we shall see, utility became a minor consideration in terms of spatial arrangement.

The centre-periphery arrangement embraced the peripheral enclosure, which was the abode of commoners. There was some large open space beyond the double royal palisade.

The large open space served as a military parade space for the soldiers where the king inspected the guard of honour and presided over important national rituals and ceremonies such as Inxwala, uMthontiso and conferment of military awards.

The cleared space served as some kind of compromise between two contradictory considerations. In terms of privacy, the royal enclosure should have been very far from the peripheral enclosure. However, at the same time the king and his household required protection.

That consideration demanded that the peripheral enclosure be relatively nearby. Some intruder with malevolent intentions would have to breach the inner and outer wooden palisades for the commoners’ peripheral enclosure and move through open space, umdango before encountering the royal double palisade. The parade ground was thus some kind of compromise arrangement.

A centre is better appreciated against the background of a peripheral arrangement or space. This was the case at Old Bulawayo where there was the peripheral settlement where commoners lived and their settlement constituted a full circle around the royal enclosure.

Here there were various households each being a separate stand-alone with utility structures and spatial arrangements of its own. These had their own separate cattle byres, grain storage grass bins and grain bins located within the cattle byres.