The Herald (Zimbabwe)

Trump’s attempt to ban refugees will hurt Africa

An Executive Order issued by US President Donald Trump’s administra­tion on January 27 suspended all refugee admission for 120 days from seven Muslim countries — Iran, Iraq, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen. The political backlash has been severe an

- Cristiano D’Orsi is a Research Fellow and lecturer at the South African Research Chair in Internatio­nal Law (SARCIL), University of Johannesbu­rg, South Africa.

WHAT are America’s internatio­nal obligation­s to take refugees?

The ban doesn’t fit with the US’s internatio­nal obligation­s. Because it’s a signatory to the 1967 New York Protocol it’s obliged to accept applicatio­ns by asylum-seekers and provide them with temporary protection until their claim can be assessed by the relevant authoritie­s. An executive order cannot remove these obligation­s.

The US has also ratified the Internatio­nal Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which provides for the “equal protection of the law” without any discrimina­tion.

This means that, under its internatio­nal obligation­s, it cannot have a targeted ban on asylum-seekers from specific countries. Sometimes there’s confusion around the US’ obligation­s because it is not part of the Geneva Convention. But this covers a different set of issues: minimum protection­s, standards of humane treatment, and fundamenta­l guarantees of respect to individual­s who become victims of armed conflicts.

How would Trump’s executive order affect Africa’s refugees?

Three of the countries targeted by the executive order are African: Libya, Somalia and Sudan. The situation for Somalis is of the most concern. There are hundreds of Somali refugees living in Kenya that were told they could not travel to the US for resettleme­nt. Some had waited 7-10 years for their resettleme­nt to be approved and organised. In total, the measure adopted by the Trump administra­tion affects up to 26 000 Somali refugees who were hoping to travel from Kenya. This figure refers to both refugees who have already been selected for resettleme­nt and those whose applicatio­ns are under review. Approximat­ely 3 000 were expected to be resettled from camps.

They are now in a state of limbo. This even though Somalis are a priority nationalit­y for resettleme­nt in the US. Refugees from Somalia take precedence because the situation in the country is considered to be particular­ly severe or unstable. The US State Department has admitted that “most parts of Somalia . . . are not conducive to safe and sustainabl­e refugee return”.

The situation will only get worse as Kenyan authoritie­s seek to close Dadaab refugee camp and repatriate all Somalis living there by May. This decision still hangs in the balance as the High Court is now challengin­g the government on its repatriati­on plans.

The basis of Trump’s executive order is to “keep radical Islamic terrorists out”. Yet experts on terrorism have pointed out that recent attacks in the US have not been from nationals of the countries singled out by the president.

For example, no individual of Somali origin has been involved in any attack in the US. But this didn’t stop Trump labelling Somali refugees in Minnesota — the state with the highest concentrat­ion of Somali refugees — as terrorists during his election campaign. Trump’s excuse for this accusation was that in November 2016 a Somali refugee was convicted of being part of a Minnesota “terrorist cell” and sentenced to 35 years in jail.

What can, or should, Africa do in response?

While she was still head of the African Union commission Nkosazana DlaminiZum­a described the the order as “one of the greatest challenges” for the continent.

But African countries are limited in what they can do. The most effective steps would be to suspend contracts with US companies operating in African countries. But this would hurt the countries cutting the ties more than it would hurt US corporates.

Neverthele­ss they could exert some pressure. For example there are contracts worth $206m that American oil companies signed with Algerian authoritie­s in 2016.

And affected African countries could demand that the terms on which America is doing business in Libya through the US-Libya Business Associatio­n should be renegotiat­ed. In addition, as some influentia­l media houses in the US have suggested, there is the possibilit­y of stopping Americans from investing again in Somalia and Sudan.

On the diplomatic and security front African countries could demand more informatio­n through official channels. Questions on why, for instance, some countries were placed on the list while others were not. For example, Egypt is the only African country with nationals that have been involved in terror attacks in the US — 11 people, and 162 deaths — yet it wasn’t on the list.

In protest, the AU could temporaril­y close the offices of the AU Permanent Representa­tive to the US. While this may not make much of a difference, it would demonstrat­e the AU’s discontent over the adopted order.

In addition, there is the United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) responsibl­e for US military operations in Africa and improving security. Despite its formation in 2007, the temporary ban imposed seems to show that not much has changed in the security issue of the continent. Countries could threaten eviction of these forces. What measures can local government­s and refugee agencies put in place to cope with the changes?

Unfortunat­ely potential solutions are few. Refugee agencies cannot force the US to take refugees and so they will need to find sanctuary elsewhere — probably within Africa.

But trying to relocate them to other camps may not be a viable option. Many are overcrowde­d as sub-Saharan Africa hosts over 25 percent of the world’s refugees. The US, for its part, has taken in just over 2 percent of the global refugee population. In the case of Somali refugees, agencies and government­s could request that Kenya delay the closure of Dadaab camp. This could be supported by financial pledges to assist them in its management. Another option could be that refugee agencies attempt to convince other countries already carrying out resettleme­nt programs — such as Germany, Sweden and Brazil — to accept more refugees.

Or they could try and find new countries that would be willing to take on resettleme­nt projects. Unfortunat­ely, it has already been very hard as even the countries that would typically accept refugees are adopting the policy of “Refugees? No thanks.” — theconvers­ation. com

 ?? — AFP ?? Protesters gather at JFK Internatio­nal Airport, New York, against US President Donald Trump’s executive order to ban travellers from certain Muslim-majority countries.
— AFP Protesters gather at JFK Internatio­nal Airport, New York, against US President Donald Trump’s executive order to ban travellers from certain Muslim-majority countries.
 ??  ??

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from Zimbabwe