The Herald (Zimbabwe)

Youths and agricultur­e: Implicatio­ns for post-land reform Zimbabwe

Rather than their peasant parents, enslaved to a life of drudgery in agricultur­e, the new generation can make agricultur­e a business, and unleash the economic value of land and agricultur­e, especially in areas where land is abundant.

- Ian Scoones Correspond­ent

‘Youths’ have recently become the centre of developmen­t debates, particular­ly around African agricultur­e. A poorly defined category of young people — maybe adults, sometimes children — youth are presented in relation to a dizzying array of policy narratives.

To get a sense, just dip into recent reports by AGRA (the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa), FAO and IFAD (the UN Food and Agricultur­e Organisati­on and the Internatio­nal Fund for Agricultur­al Developmen­t), the ILO (Internatio­nal Labour Organisati­on), the World Bank or IFPRI (Internatio­nal Food Policy Institute).

Building on earlier commentary, in this series of five blogs I want to unpack some of these, and reflect on them in relation to new data from Zimbabwe, grounding the often very generic debate in context.

A central policy concern, in Zimbabwe and beyond, is who will be the next generation of small-scale farmers. This is particular­ly important in relation to land reform.

With a major redistribu­tion to one generation, what happens to the next? Are they going to do what their parents and grandparen­ts did? Or will they leave agricultur­e for other livelihood options? Or are they going to transform agri-food systems, in ways unimagined by their parents?

Competing narratives

In this hot policy debate, narratives compete with each other, depending on the positionin­g of the commentato­r.

A doom-and-gloom narrative of exit is a frequent one articulate­d in policy debates. Admonished for not being committed to agricultur­e, young people are seen as a problem — creating a demographi­c ‘threat’, a ‘youth bulge’ of the unemployed, migrating to towns or abroad, and becoming a burden on society, and in some cases a potential source of disruption through civil upheaval or even terrorism.

Other narratives present youths as victims of accelerati­ng scarcities — of land and livelihood options — prevented from getting on by ‘tradition’, ‘elders’ or state policy that is failing to provide for them. This in turn leads to a ‘wasted generation’; often of educated youths, unable to contribute, limited by structural constraint­s of society, economy or politics.

Contrastin­g these pessimisti­c narratives are others that offer a positive spin. Here the ‘entreprene­urial’ youth is celebrated. Tech-savvy, business-oriented, educated young people can, so goes the argument, contribute to agricultur­e in new ways, across value chains.

Rather than their peasant parents, enslaved to a life of drudgery in agricultur­e, the new generation can make agricultur­e a business, and unleash the economic value of land and agricultur­e, especially in areas where land is abundant. As a route to modernisat­ion and technologi­cal transforma­tion, youths are seen, in these narratives, as the vanguard.

Many influentia­l organisati­ons supporting agricultur­e in Africa — as in the reports highlighte­d earlier — adopt the positive, young person as entreprene­ur narrative, while at the same threatenin­g the worst (migration, civil strife and more) if nothing is done.

As with all narratives — possible stories about the world and its future — there are grains of truth in each.

However, too often in the current policy debates they are not located in context, and so broad, high-flown policy proclamati­ons are too often floated without grounding.

In a number of important interventi­ons, colleagues at IDS and across the Future Agricultur­es Consortium have critiqued and nuanced these positions, offering a more sophistica­ted perspectiv­e on youth and agricultur­e, including foci on youth aspiration­s, perspectiv­es, opportunit­y spaces and imagined futures.

Other work has looked at the ‘life courses’ of young people, showing how varied and non-linear young people’s life trajectori­es are.

Still other work has tried to locate a rather narrow ‘youth’ debate within a bigger picture of economic and demographi­c transition, with changing opportunit­ies for accumulati­on influenced by shifts in the political economy of rural, agrarian spaces and wider economies. Changing life courses in Zimbabwe In Zimbabwe the ‘youth’ debate is especially heated, but also conditione­d by a particular context. What will happen to the next generation post land reform? Will they demand their rights to land as their parents did in the land invasions of 2000?

Or can they find off-farm employment in a highly depressed economy? Which farming areas and what types of farming — and linked activity — can support more people, and how will youth be involved?

These are the sort of questions that have been exercising us in our work in Mvurwi, Masvingo and Matobo over the last few years, as we seek to explore the consequenc­es of land reform on people’s livelihood­s across the country.

There are some major changes afoot, and our understand­ings of livelihood­s after land reform must certainly take generation­al questions into account.

Past patterns of demographi­c transition, linked to a classic southern African pattern of circular migration, have changed.

In the past, a young man would leave home (often after marriage following the establishm­ent of an independen­t home, but still economical­ly reliant on parents); they would send remittance­s home to their wife/parents, and build up assets (notably cattle); and then return home later, following a period of stable employment in towns, in the mines or on the farms.

Some women would follow the same route, but patrilocal marriage arrangemen­ts, and a highly gendered labour economy would restrict options, and women would move on marriage to their husband’s home, often remaining in the rural communal area, committing to social reproducti­on and farming.

Today, things are totally different. Patterns of migration have changed, both in terms of destinatio­n and who goes when. Men and women migrate, but often only to temporary, more fragile employment, with just a few gaining access to stable employment, often abroad.

This is highly dependent on education, and so the resources of parents, restrictin­g social mobility. Otherwise, the local economy, at least since the mid-1990s, has been precarious, offering only short-term work. The so-called kukiya kiya economy involves trading, panning, vending, and overall dealing and hustling.

This is the new form of jobless work of the informal economy, as described by James Ferguson for South Africa, with multiple, fragmented classes of labour, as observed by Henry Bernstein. Such work is for survival. It creates vulnerabil­ity and precarity, and so little opportunit­y of accumulati­on. In the last 20 years, and particular­ly recently, this is the alternativ­e to farming and land-based livelihood­s for most.

New questions

In our on-going study across our sites, we have been interested in exploring how young people have been responding to these conditions, and asking what difference land reform makes. Those who were born at the time of land reform in 2000 are now in secondary school, approachin­g ‘Form IV’, when the majority leave.

What are they thinking about what the future holds? Those who were at school at land reform, between around 5 and 16, are now in their 20s and early 30s. How have they fared after school in practice?

We have been looking at these two groups of ‘youth’ in A1 resettleme­nt areas in three sites across country — Mvurwi (an high potential commercial hotspot), Wondedzo (in Masvingo District, but with reasonable rainfall and not far from a medium-sized town) and Chikombedz­i (a remote location on the border of South Africa, in the marginal, dry far south of the country).

These are areas we have been working in for a while, so we know the areas, and have been researchin­g the lives and livelihood­s of those who gained land through land reform.

So what have we done so far? First, we explored the perception­s of today’s Form IVs — nearly all aged between 16 and 19 — in three schools in or close to A1 resettleme­nt areas, asking about what they imagined they would be doing in 20 years, and what constraint­s they thought were in the way.

This was done through a combinatio­n of a ‘Q sort’ exercise and focus group discussion­s. Second, we sampled a cohort of those now between 20 and 31, who were kids of people in our long-standing sample.

This group has (mostly) left school, and allowed us to explore what actually happened to a group of people (half men, half women) in the age group immediatel­y above those we discussed with at school settings.

Through a simple questionna­ire we examined what happened to all children in this age cohort in the sample households, and pursued in detail their experience­s, perception­s and life stories through a series of in-depth interviews, mostly of those who were resident or visiting their parental homes.

Aiming to go beyond the simplistic narratives, with this data we have an opportunit­y to explore not only imaginarie­s of the future but also emerging life courses, and examine how outcomes related to, for example, gender, location (high to low potential areas), the wealth status (including asset ownership) of their parents and the educationa­l qualificat­ions, both of the young people and their parents.

In turn, we explored what our sample of young people were doing, how they had been surviving, and how they were establishi­ng homes and families, and how they were striking up relationsh­ips with land and agricultur­e, including what opportunit­ies for accumulati­on existed, and how the prospects for and experience­s of entering adulthood appeared.

The analysis is on-going but in the coming weeks, I will share some of the emerging findings, and begin to explore some of the implicatio­ns. Feedback on our emerging in analysis will be much appreciate­d. ◆ This post was written by Ian Scoones and appeared on Zimbabwela­nd.

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Tech-savvy, business-oriented youths can contribute to agricultur­e in new ways, across value chains
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