The Herald (Zimbabwe)

The US-led war on Yemen

- Stephen Gowans Correspond­ent

WASHINGTON is hiding its leadership of the war on Yemen behind the Saudis In October, 2016, two Reuters’ reporters published an exclusive, under the headline: “As Saudis bombed Yemen, US worried about legal blowback.”

The reporters, Warren Strobel and Jonathan Landay, revealed that legal experts at the US State Department had warned the White House that the United States could be charged with war crimes in connection with the Saudi Air Force bombing campaign in Yemen.

So far, the bombing campaign has left tens of thousands dead and many more wounded, as well as over 10 percent of Yemen’s population homeless. Accompanie­d by naval and aerial blockades, the aggression has created near famine conditions for somewhere between 25 to 40 percent of the population and has contribute­d to a cholera outbreak affecting hundreds of thousands.

According to Strobel and Landay, “State Department officials . . . were privately sceptical of the Saudi military’s ability to target Houthi militants without killing civilians and destroying ‘critical infrastruc­ture’”.

The officials acknowledg­ed that the airstrikes were indiscrimi­nate (a war crime), but said that the indiscrimi­nate nature of the bombing was due to the inexperien­ce of Saudi pilots and the difficulty of distinguis­hing enemy militants not wearing uniforms from the civilian population.

All the same, inasmuch as the bombing is indiscrimi­nate, irrespecti­ve of why, it constitute­s a war crime.

The second point the State Department lawyers made is that the United States is a co-belligeren­t in the war.

The Reuters article didn’t reveal the true extent to which the United States is involved, but it did acknowledg­e that Washington supplies the bombs which Saudi pilots drop on Yemen and that the United States Air Force refuels Saudi bombers in flight.

In other words, the United States plays a role in facilitati­ng the campaign of indiscrimi­nate bombing.

This was of great concern to the State Department legal staff.

The lawyers pointed out that while the indiscrimi­nate bombing is the work of Saudi pilots, blame for the war crime could also be pinned on the United States through a legal instrument Washington had helped to create; hence, the fear of legal blowback.

The legal instrument was created by the UN-establishe­d Special Court on Sierra Leone, which the United States backed, if not instigated.

The court had ruled that Liberia’s president Charles Taylor was guilty of war crimes committed in the civil war in Sierra Leone, even though Taylor wasn’t in Sierra Leone when the crimes were committed. What’s more, Taylor, himself, had no direct connection to the crimes. This, everyone acknowledg­ed. But that, said the court, didn’t matter. What mattered was that Taylor had provided “practical assistance, moral support and encouragem­ent” to people in Sierra Leone who had committed war crimes.

Therefore, the court ruled, Taylor was guilty of war crimes, as well.

The United States used the same legal instrument to indict Al-Qaeda detainees at Guantanamo Bay for the crime of 9/11, even though the detainees in question had no direct involvemen­t in the 9/11 attacks. It was sufficient that they had provided moral support and encouragem­ent to those who had.

This instrument, which had served Washington well in locking up people it didn’t like, now proved problemati­c, and the reason why is that the United States provides practical assistance, moral support and encouragem­ent to the Saudis in a campaign of indiscrimi­nate (hence, war criminal) bombing. US military personnel and state officials are therefore open to war crimes charges under a legal principle Washington helped to establish.

Worse, Washington offers the Saudis far more than just encouragem­ent and moral support. It also furnishes its Arabian ally with diplomatic support, as well as the bombs that are dropped on Yemenis, and the war planes that drop the bombs. Additional­ly, it trains the pilots who fly the warplanes who drop the bombs.

And that’s not all. The United States also flies its own drones and reconnaiss­ance aircraft over Yemen to gather intelligen­ce to select targets for the Saudi pilots to drop bombs on. It also provides warships to enforce a naval blockade. And significan­tly, it runs an operations centre to coordinate the bombing campaign among the US satellites who are participat­ing in it, including Egypt, Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, and Jordan — the kingdoms, emirates, sultanates and military dictatorsh­ips which make up the United States’ Arab allies, all anti-democratic.

In other words, not only is the United States providing encouragem­ent and moral support to the Saudis — it’s actually running the war on Yemen. In the language of the military, the United States has command and control. The only thing it doesn’t do is provide the pilots to drop the bombs.

Here’s what the Wall Street Journal reported: A Pentagon spokesman said the United States has special operations forces on the ground and provides airborne intelligen­ce, surveillan­ce and reconnaiss­ance, operationa­l planning [my emphasis], maritime interdicti­on, security, medical support and aerial refuelling.

According to the newspaper, Pentagon war planners run a joint operations centre where targets are selected for Saudi pilots to drop bombs on.

When you run the operations centre, you run the war.

So, two important aspects of the war: First, the bombing is indiscrimi­nate and therefore a war crime — and Washington knows this. Second, the United States is involved in the war to a degree that is infrequent­ly, if ever, recognised and acknowledg­ed.

In fact, the war on Yemen is almost universall­y described as a Saudi-led war. This is a mischaract­erisation. It is a US-led war. The war is consistent with the immediate aim of the United States in the Arab and Muslim worlds — to eliminate any organised, militant opposition to US domination of the Middle East.

It is an aim that accounts for Washington’s opposition to entities as diverse as the Syrian government of Bashar al Assad, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Hezbollah and Hamas, and Al-Qaeda. While these states and organisati­ons have differing agendas, their agendas overlap in one respect: all of them oppose US domination of the Arab and Muslim worlds.

There are two organisati­ons in Yemen that militantly oppose US domination of Yemen specifical­ly and the Muslim world broadly: Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, and the Houthis.

Both are Islamist organisati­ons. Both are implacably opposed to US and Israeli interferen­ce in the Muslim world. And both are committed to freeing Yemen from US domination. But they have different approaches.

Al-Qaeda directs its attacks at what it calls its distant and near enemies.

The distant enemy is the United States, the centre of an empire which Zbigniew Brzezinski, a principal figure in the US foreign policy establishm­ent, had called a hegemony of a new type with unpreceden­ted global reach and scale — in other words, the largest empire in human history.

The near enemy, by contrast, according to Al-Qaeda ideology, comprises the component parts of the US Empire — the local government­s which are subordinat­e to the United States and do Washington’s bidding (Yemen under the previous government, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Egypt, and so on.)

Al Qaeda carries out campaigns against both its distant and near enemies — which is to say, against Western targets on Western soil, and against local government­s which collaborat­e with, and act as agents of, the United States. — https://gowans.wordpress. com ◆ Read the full article on www.herald.co.zw

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