The Standard (Zimbabwe)

Rememberin­g the bloody June 2008 run-off

- This is an extended excerpt from AGO Mutambara’s 2018 An Autobiogra­phy of Thought Leadership Volume II: The Path to Power) l www.

between just two men — Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai. The stakes could not be any higher. The military junta backing Mugabe is currently executing an extremely violent and murderous campaign throughout the country.

As a party, we have taken a bold and unequivoca­l position to support Tsvangirai’s candidacy.

Together with members of our party I have openly and unconditio­nally endorsed him starting with that Lanseria Airport press conference and another media event involving the top leadership of both parties in Pretoria.

This overt endorsemen­t is part of the beef — the basis for my arrest.

Mugabe and his party are in a fit of uncontroll­able rage with our party’s stance.

We are the kingmakers in the run-off election. Mugabe and his military junta are not taking any chances.

They are going for broke. I have to be silenced and contained.

Our party must be decimated before the run-off.

Mugabe must win the run-off or rerun of the presidenti­al elections by any means necessary — brute force, blatant rigging or pure genocide. I am standing in their way. This is the reason they pick me up and detain me on that beautiful Sunday morning.

There is a national, regional and internatio­nal outcry as I am expected to participat­e at the World Economic Forum on Africa in Cape Town from June 4 to 8 2008.

I am one of the WEF Young Global Leaders ( YGL).

There is pressure on the government of Zimbabwe from the WEF host, President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa, the WEF executive director, Klaus Schwab, and the WEF YGL community.

The regime relents, and I am released on June 4, 2008.

I head straight to WEF in Cape Town running from June 4 to 6, 2008, under the theme, ‘Capitalise on Opportunit­y’.

As I walk into the CTICC hall in Cape Town, I get a standing ovation from my fellow YGLs.

From Mugabe’s jail cell to the auspicious gathering of the World Economic Forum! It is a small but significan­t step indeed.

Mugabe and his party Zanu PF carry out the bloodiest election campaign in Zimbabwean history in the June 27 2008 presidenti­al run-off election.

The level of brutality, barbarism and callousnes­s is entirely unpreceden­ted. People are maimed and killed. There is the infamous choice given to victims: “Do you want short or long sleeves?”

This refers to whether a victim wants to have their hands cut off at the wrists or the arms cut at the elbows.

More than 200 activists lose their lives throughout the country during that campaign. Zanu has to win, come hell, come sunshine.

After the sham presidenti­al runoff election, Mugabe hurriedly installs himself as President of Zimbabwe for a sixth term on Sunday, June 29, 2008.

He shamelessl­y does this after a widely discredite­d poll in which he is the only candidate.

Tsvangirai dismisses the inaugurati­on as “an exercise in self-delusion”.

The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission announces that Mugabe has received 85% of the vote in what is, in effect, a one-horse race.

What a shame! Global condemnati­on of the disgracefu­l poll continues, while violence against the opposition activists has not stopped.

Global rejection: The case of the village thief

As soon as he has formally, but illegally, made himself president of Zimbabwe, Mugabe heads off to the 11th Ordinary Session of the African Union held from June 30 to July 1, 2008 in Sharm El Sheikh, Egypt.

The AU meeting refuses to accept his shenanigan­s and gives him a torrid time.

Mugabe is roundly and robustly condemned by a significan­t number of fellow heads of state and government.

He is totally shocked. He did not expect this. He had anticipate­d solidarity.

In, particular he is very upset, distraught and agitated by the castigatio­n and admonishme­nt that he receives from Prime Minister Meles Zenawi Asres of Ethiopia.

He sits up straight and points a wagging finger at Zenawi and says, “And you too? How dare you have the nerve to accuse me of electoral fraud?”

Mugabe is implying that Zenawi is also a dictator, who is said to have stolen the 2005 elections in Ethiopia.

Hence, he has no moral authority to attack him.

Kikwete of Tanzania sensing Mugabe’s diversiona­ry pleading towards self-serving collective guilty, which makes everyone culpable and hence no one accountabl­e, deftly intervenes: “President Mugabe, in my village when a thief is discovered at the market and is being chased by the villagers, he or she cannot turn around and, say, ‘Hey, stop chasing me there is another thief in that corner.’

“President Mugabe, you are our village thief today. We have to concentrat­e on you, and you alone.”

Mugabe is beside himself with anger. He is despondent.

A village thief — how has it come to this for the Pan-Africanist, a distinguis­hed revolution­ary, and founding father of the Zimbabwean nation?

At the end of the session, on July 1, 2008, the African leaders release the AU summit resolution­s on Zimbabwe, which effectivel­y repudiate Mugabe’s presidency.

He is engulfed by unimaginab­le fury. While leaving the summit, he is ambushed by a British journalist who asks him, “How do feel being at this AU summit of heads of state and government?

“On what basis do you still consider yourself president of Zimbabwe?”

A visibly angry Mugabe retorts, “On the same basis that Mr Brown considers himself prime minister of Britain.”

He is not done with the journalist. He charges towards the journalist as if he is going to strike him. His security details restrain him.

Completely consumed by anger, he uncontroll­ably shouts, “You must stop asking stupid questions.

“We are not a British colony. What do the British have to do with Zimbabwe? You bloody idiot.”

Robert Mugabe is totally rattled. Clearly, he has not recovered from the barrages and onslaught from his colleagues during the summit.

He is getting a taste of his own medicine. What a pitiful tyrant — a despicable despot under siege.

Beyond the continent, the United States and the United Kingdom effectivel­y place the Zimbabwe issue onto the UN agenda.

In their spirited efforts, they are supported by the undertakin­g at the threeday meeting of the Group of Eight (G8) in Japan from July 7 to 9, 2008.

The G8 members agree to seek UN sanctions against Zimbabwe after the violent election that extends Mugabe’s 28-year rule.

Speaking on behalf of the G8, Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi says: “The need and the urgency were indicated for sanctions at the UN Security Council.

“Given that even Russia decided to go ahead, it seemed to be important to join in, voting unanimousl­y.”

Asked whether Africa and Africans took an uncharitab­le and dim perspectiv­e of an exclusive club of wealthy nations going on the offensive against an African leader, Mugabe, British Prime Minister Gordon Brown says: “I think it’s the other way around.

“Africa now sees that what’s happening in Zimbabwe is damaging the credibilit­y of Africa as a whole.”

So, the internatio­nal pressure and global response are leveraging African disquiet and disapprova­l of Mugabe’s excesses and shenanigan­s.

That is indeed a new dimension. The G8 objective is to tighten sanctions against Zimbabwe’s ruling elite and to press for the appointmen­t of a special UN envoy to Zimbabwe.

The UN deputy secretary-general Asha Rose Migiro expresses a view that the situation in Zimbabwe is the ‘single greatest challenge in southern Africa’ not only due to the deteriorat­ion of humanitari­an conditions, violation of human rights and the resultant political instabilit­y, but also because of the ‘dangerous political precedent it sets.’

On July 11, 2008, a UN Security Council measure intended to impose sanctions against key leaders of the Mugabe government as well as to impose an arms embargo against the regime, fails.

The attempt is driven and sponsored by the United Kingdom and the United States.

Two of the 15-member body’s permanent members — China and the Russian Federation — vote against the draft resolution that would also have imposed a travel ban and financial freeze against Mugabe and 13 senior government and security officials considered central and accountabl­e for the deplorable national crisis in Zimbabwe.

The outcome of the Council’s vote is nine in favour (Belgium, Burkina Faso, Costa Rica, Croatia, France, Italy, Panama, United Kingdom, United States), to five against (China, Libya, Russian Federation, South Africa, Vietnam), with Indonesia abstaining.

Hence, China and Russia, with strong support from South Africa and Libya, effectivel­y veto the West’s sanctions initiative on Zimbabwe.

The US ambassador to the UN expresses his disdain and contempt of the SA position.

He feels South Africa is ungrateful, given the role that internatio­nal sanctions played in the fight against apartheid.

Consequent­ly, Thabo Mbeki becomes a target of furious attacks and a well-calculated global campaign seeking to discredit him.

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