The Standard (Zimbabwe)

Zim electoral environmen­t needs improvemen­t before polls

- ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●

Following the proclamati­on of by-elections by President Emmerson Mnangagwa the Citizens in Action Southern Africa (CIASA) undertook an initiative of taking stock of electoral reforms based on various recommenda­tions from observer mission reports and expert analyses on the possible measures for the improvemen­t of the electoral environmen­t in Zimbabwe. It is the best model towards understand­ing evidence-based shortcomin­gs, gaps and opportunit­ies for electoral reform going forward. Continuous improvemen­t of electoral processes not only reinvigora­tes the fluidity of everchangi­ng societies, but is a pre-requisite for growing democracie­s towards strengthen­ing and buttressin­g citizen aspiration­s as expressed periodical­ly during elections. It goes without saying, from the onset, that elections are a process, consisting of an election cycle.

Improvemen­ts to all aspects and seasons of the cycle are fundamenta­l. This is best done by taking stock of previous electoral processes, recommenda­tions thereof and feasibilit­y for local circumstan­ces. Heading towards 2023, it is fundamenta­l for election stakeholde­rs to have a clearer understand­ing of new demands for consistent and informed advocacy.

Prior to the 2018 harmonised election, a myriad of changes were made to the legal framework governing elections in Zimbabwe. The 2018 Harmonised election by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) succinctly highlights them as:

• Section 5: Ensuring that gender is mainstream­ed into electoral processes. This amendment obligated the Commission to advocate for regulation­s to ensure that women have fair opportunit­ies to campaign and register to vote and are thus protected from among other vices election-related violations. It also requires the Commission to provide adequate, accurate, gender sensitive and unbiased education.

Section 23: Extends the period for which a voter is absent from his or her constituen­cy from 12 months to 18 months, the period considered when deciding whether a voter’s name should be retained on or deleted from the voters’ roll. Previously, a voter’s name could be removed from the voters roll if he or she was deemed not resident in the constituen­cy for a continuous period of 12 months. The extension to 18 months gave voters a longer period during which they can be away from their constituen­cy without their names being removed from the voters’ roll.

Section 40F: Allowed foreign donations for purposes of funding voter education activities to be directly channelled to Civil Society Organisati­ons (CSOs) as opposed to channellin­g them through the Commission as was the case prior to the amendment.

Section 22A: Authorised the Commission to establish more polling stations for an area that had a large voter population in order to speed up polling on voting day;

Section 32: Related to the removal of duplicates from the voters roll and allowed its alignment to processes brought about by the introducti­on of biometric voter registrati­on. The amendment also outlawed persons from registerin­g as a voter more than once on the voters roll for any polling station. This amendment authorised the Commission to remove duplicates or multiple names from the voter’s roll. Thus, a voter’s name appeared only once.

Section 126: Related to the withdrawal of a candidate after printing of the ballot paper. This addressed the cumbersome process of deletion of a candidate’s name after a ballot paper had been printed. Previously, the law mandated the Commission to delete, from the ballot paper, the name of candidates who withdrew after the ballot paper had been printed. This process had logistical and financial challenges on the Commission.

Section 59: Was to allow the visually impaired voters to be assisted to vote by a person of their choice, without the Presiding Officer necessaril­y being present.

Section 26A: Was amended so that registrati­on of voters closes two days after Proclamati­on, as opposed to 12 days after sitting of Nomination Courts as was the case prior to the amendment. It therefore meant that the registrati­on of voters for the purposes of the 2018 Harmonised Elections closed on 1 June 2018. Those who registered after the cut-off date would be considered for future elections.

Section 52A: Was amended such that the number of ballot papers printed for any election would not exceed more than 10% of the number of registered voters eligible to vote in that election.

Section 133 A: Widened the definition of intimidati­on to include misleading another person by stating that he or she could determine or discover how they had voted.

Code of Conduct for Political Parties and Candidates. This was broadened to include applicatio­n to stakeholde­rs like CSOs, civil servants, traditiona­l leaders, and members of the security establishm­ent. The Code also introduced the issue of setting up Multi-Party Liaison Committees at least 12 months prior to the expected date of the election, as opposed to the previous provisions where MPLC’s were establishe­d after the sitting of the Nomination Courts. The Act was also amended to provide for a new section, 40K, that allows observatio­n of elections by the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission (ZHRC).

What gaps remained? The role of monitoring elections in Zimbabwe is primarily with ZEC. However, initial and contestabl­e understand­ing of the Constituti­on of Zimbabwe is that it also provided for monitoring by the ZHRC. However, the new provision of in Section 40K of the Electoral Act reduces ZHRC to observers. To this effect, Section 40 (K) of the Act requires Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission observers to be accredited by the ZEC and requires the ZHRC to submit its draft report to the ZEC for comment and ZHRC “shall pay due regard to any comments the Commission may make on the draft.”

Therefore, the reallocati­on of observer role for ZHRC must be challenged and a demand be made for their monitoring role as initially proposed in section 133 of the Electoral Act.

Traditiona­l leadership role in politics (ensure their independen­ce in the conduct of their activities) Sections 280, 281 and 282 of the Constituti­on provide for the establishm­ent, status, role, principles, and functions of traditiona­l leaders. Section 281 (2) (a) provides that traditiona­l leaders “must not be members of any political party or in any way participat­e in partisan politics.” This has been upheld by the courts: Election Resource Centre v Charumbira & 2 Others ZWHHC 270.

Section 287 of the Constituti­on also requires the establishm­ent of an Integrity and Ethics Committee through an Act of Parliament. This Act must provide for the establishm­ent, membership and procedures of the Committee to develop and enforce integrity and ethical conduct on the part of traditiona­l leaders and to deal with complaints against traditiona­l leaders. The Traditiona­l Leaders Act has no provisions conforming to these constituti­onal requiremen­ts.

The Electoral Act bars the use of state resources as patronage to gain unfair advantage for the incumbent in an election. However, previous elections have witnessed the use of state resources such as government vehicles, buildings, moneys, and active involvemen­t of government workers in campaignin­g for the incumbent. Food aid, agricultur­al inputs from the Presidenti­al scheme and benefits from the social welfare department form basis to gain support for the ruling party. ZEC was not legally empowered to enforce the provisions within the Electoral Act.

*Abridged

CIASA

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from Zimbabwe