Bhebhe speaks on CCC fights, opposition politics in Matabeleland

The state of opposition politics in Zimbabwe has dominated debate in recent months after a group of Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) rebels led by Sengezo Tshabangu started a mass recall of the party’s elected representatives in protest against the alleged imposition of candidates from outside the region.

Southern eye Sunday (Se) recently caught up with former MDC Nkayi South MDC legislator Abednico Bhebhe (AB) to discuss a number of issues around national and Matabeleland politics, particularly the apparent disintegration of the opposition.

Bhebhe was the deputy Matabeleland North provincial chairperson of the MDC at its formation in 1999.

In 2005, he became the Matabeleland North provincial chairperson, a position he held until 2011 when he was elected deputy national organising secretary deputising CCC leader, Nelson Chamisa.

In 2014, he became the national organising secretary until the formation of the CCC in January 2022.

SE: The opposition, then MDC under Morgan Tsvangirai , has suffered several splits and now as CCC, it is again facing another split. As someone who has been there, how do you explain these splits?

AB: It is unfortunate that there have been several splits in the opposition particularly the democracy movement under the MDC from the time led by Dr Morgan Tsvangirai.

Many reasons could explain the splits, but I wish to underscore that as the opposition we cannot afford to fight each other but we need a united approach.

Only a united opposition can bring about the desirable change in the country. We must not forget who our opponent is.

Zanu PF is a former guerrilla movement that uses secretive approaches in dealing with its competitors.

Their strategies include infiltrating their opponents and waylaying them while hiding their true intentions.

They believe in guerrilla tactics to divide, infiltrate and even buy the opposition.

Those have been the three major causes of splits in Zimbabwean opposition in the past and present.

The opposition itself must be alert and alive to the reality on the ground and be disciplined enough to face such a former guerrilla movement with its’ dirty tactics against competitors.

We must always be mindful to the fact that Zanu PF will never stop their unscrupulous behaviour to try and destroy the opposition.

SE: We are now seeing recalls again in the opposition.

How do you explain that the opposition is and has been the one abusing the recall law as compared to Zanu PF?

AB: The sometimes shambolic-state of the opposition makes it to abuse the recall clause willy-nilly, and in the process making Zanu PF look as if it is orderly.

Of course, if the recall law was to hurt Zanu PF it would change the law considering their majority in parliament.

But Zanu PF has dangled this law for the opposition to self-destruct to the obvious pleasure of the ruling party.

In essence, it is not just about changing the law but how the opposition handles its internal contradictions.

No law can save any party bent on weakening itself to almost destruction.

There is need for the opposition to have clearly spelt out regulations to protect itself from both internal and external forces.

SE: Is there a Zanu PF hand in these splits and recalls or these are a result of and a sign of underlying problems in the opposition?

AB: As I have already said before, there is a high possibility of state agents interference in dividing the opposition for the ultimate benefit of Zanu PF.

Equally, there are underlying problems in the opposition that create fertile ground for the confusion, recalls and even splits.

Many go into politics for fame, power and financial benefits.

You will recall that at the formation of the MDC in 1999 there were still donor funds around and some still believe there are such benefits.

We need leaders, who avail themselves to serve the interests of the people and not themselves.

Besides, in some instances there are tendencies of a people’s project being personalised and run as if it were a family business or one of these churches where the leader is the Alpha and Omega.

A political party must be managed with some semblance of consensus and internal democracy.

There must be binding rules and regulations to deal with misbehaviour of any member of the party.

SE: Turning to the CCC, in your own view what has been the party’s biggest weakness since we now see the party is literally on auto-pilot?

AB: I would not want to see the problems currently affecting the CCC in terms of biggest weakness or the party being on auto-pilot, if I may use your imagery.

Of course, the CCC like any party has its weaknesses which invariably work in its disadvantage or which rivals exploit to maximum advantage.

We all may have different views or interpretations on whether or not the CCC represents a continuity of the MDC tradition.

But what few would doubt is that the current challenges of the main opposition party are not entirely new, but have a history and many trace their sources from long ago.

That does not exonerate the current leadership from responsibility.

The direction and pace any organisation takes would largely depend on the leadership, hence the CCC leadership cannot escape scrutiny.

We all know that the grievances from handling the candidate selection process triggered the current crises, and in my view, these are problems with known solutions. Internal selection processes must be seen by all to be democratic or else it creates discord.

SE: Was it a wise decision to have a structureless party? Is it possible to have a party without structures party?

What are the positives and negatives with having such an organisation?

AB: Well, we should not take politicians’ words literally as there cannot be in reality a structureless party.

A party is an organisation, which essentially is an organised grouping of people with shared interests or ideals.’

Whenever humans meet and interact, somehow, there is a structure that defines roles and limits, hence, no party can be truly structureless.

Of course, the structures could be secret and unknown to the public but a political organisation or any organisation for that matter cannot be structureless.

So let us not be trapped in semantics from political talk and take some of these claims literally.

SE: As things stand, what best advice can you give to CCC leader Chamisa and his opponents so they find common ground and address their differences?

AB: The need for resolving differences amicably or finding common ground is the way to go.

It is not an easy thing to do, but considering the bigger picture, that is the way to go ultimately.

We have been in this before in the opposition and in some cases, reconciliation was achieved after more than a decade or so of antagonistic separation.

Remember there was a time Morgan Tsvangirai went his way, so did Welshman Ncube then Job Sikhala and also Tendai Biti and lastly Thokozani Khupe among others but ultimately they reunited.

It does not matter what the source of the differences is, there is always a way of finding common ground and focussing on the original goal which is why there is the opposition in the first place.

SE: What advice can you give the opposition if it entertains any hopes of removing Zanu PF?

AB: It is reiterating what I have already said, unity of purpose amongst the oppositional forces.

This is a revolution and not a personal agenda, hence there must be a disciplined and scientific approach to this struggle if real change is to be ushered in Zimbabwe.

It should not just be about removing Zanu PF but envisioning a better, inclusive, safe and prosperous country for its citizens.

In my view, this vision can be realised by committed men and women.

SE: Why are Zimbabwe opposition parties failing to unite in one big tent?

We saw it in 2008 when the opposition failed to unite to remove the late Robert Mugabe? AB:I believe I have already stated some of the major causes of division in the opposition attributing to the nefarious interference of the ruling party on the one hand and on the other the conduct of opposition leadership that have largely been not up to the task.

Also, it should not just be about opposing Zanu PF but spelling out a better agenda that will make change attractive to most Zimbabweans including those currently stuck in the ruling party.

SE: From your analysis, why are Matabeleland parties failing to make an impact on national politics.

Since Zapu’s heydays, we have not seen any party from Matabeleland rising to make serious inroads to shape the national discourse?

AB: It is good that you make reference to Zapu’s days then and in my own view that is where lies the answer to your question.

The elephant in the room is the yet to be told the story of what really happened in Matabeleland and Midlands in the name of fighting Zapu but in reality, battering a whole population into passive submission.

There is a lot of fear and lack of selfconfidence in the region stemming from that painful history, which Zimbabwe as a whole is yet to acknowledge and come to terms with.

It is that self-doubt in the people of Matabeleland that drives them to support any politician from outside their region.

Some if not all of these politicians have been rejected in their rural homes in Mashonaland, but are voted overwhelmingly in Matabeleland.

It is as a result of unresolved trauma from Gukurahundi.

But we cannot think it will remain like that, at some point the people from this region will realise the benefits of their unity and self-interest politically.

I think the region contributes significantly in the national discourse particularly on issues of democracy and especially the devolution agenda that became a constitutional issue largely from advocacy from the region.

SE: Lastly, are you still in active politics or you have taken sabbatical or quit altogether? What have been your major highlights in your political career?

AB: Any honest Zimbabwean would know that ours is a true revolution we are fighting hence there cannot be any luxury of sabbatical leave or even quitting politics.

We are all in a struggle for a better Zimbabwe, hence it is not possible to quit.

We are all suffering and are fighting for our freedom, which as Zimbabweans we have never enjoyed.

Unfortunately, some people think being an elected politician is the only qualifying criterion to be engaged in politics; yet in life we are all in politics whether as a voter, an activist or an advisor we are all in a common fight to win this revolution against a political system for a better society in our country. I cannot be described as having taken a sabbatical or quitting as our reality here does not allow that luxury.