The Zimbabwe Independent

Govt’s move to remove parly oversight foments corruption

- KUDZAI KUWAZA

THE move to amend a clause in the constituti­on, which subjects government’s agreement with non-state entities to parliament­ary scrutiny, serves as testimony to the state’s continued aversion to transparen­cy and raises fears that it will enhance corruption.

Clause 23 of the proposed Constituti­on Amendment Bill (No 2), seeks to amend Section 327(3) of the constituti­on, to give the executive exclusive powers to approve loan agreements with foreign non-state institutio­ns or entities without being subjected to parliament­ary and public scrutiny.

Currently, Section 327(3)(b) of the constituti­on prohibits the state from entering an agreement which is not an internatio­nal treaty without the approval of parliament.

™e Zimbabwe Environmen­tal Law Associatio­n (Zela) has raised alarm over plans by the state to dodge scrutiny over its agreement with non-state enterprise­s.

™e proposed constituti­onal amendments, according to Zela, violate Section 119 of the constituti­on, which provides for parliament to play its role of promoting democratic governance.

“™is may also apply to any government guarantees imposing fiscal obligation­s on the state. ™e consequenc­es are drastic,” Zela noted. “What it also means is that the Government of Zimbabwe can enter a loan agreement with Credit Suisse, the ExportImpo­rt Bank of China, the China Constructi­on Bank, the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China or the African Export-Import Bank without parliament­ary approval since their membership does not include two or more independen­t states.”

Zela said the proposed Constituti­on Amendment Bill (No 2) would have adverse effects on the mining industry since Zimbabwe used its minerals as collateral in exchange for lines of credit.

“Without any parliament­ary oversight and approval of agreements that impose fiscal obligation­s on the country, Zimbabwe might further fall into a debt trap drawn from secretive projects that may include punitive repayment terms, certain immunities, or exemptions to foreign companies,” the environmen­tal watchdog said.

™e government has always preferred to operate under a veil of secrecy raising suspicion of underhand dealings which include mortgaging the country’s minerals which has a detrimenta­l impact on the country.

Zimbabwean­s have become accustomed to announceme­nts of “mega deals” over the years that never come to fruition.

™e opaque nature of the deals has been a breeding ground for corruption and looting.

President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s remarks at the signing ceremony for the US$4,2 billion platinum investment deal between the government and Cyprusbase­d company Karo Resources in 2018 indicated as such.

“I am happy that this day has come. ™is has taken more than six years to reach this day. Had we embraced their intention to invest in this country in platinum the year they came and I took them to then President (Robert Mugabe), we should have been on the sixth year of the programme, but because of bureaucrac­y and other unnamed vested interests which are corrupt, this could not happen,” he revealed.

Ironically, Mnangagwa was over a deal which is also opaque.

™e full beneficial owners of the deal are not declared beyond half disclosure­s. ™ere was no explanatio­n and detail of how the investment added up to US$4,2 billion.

™is is in stark contrast to Mnangagwa’s pronouncem­ent that the country is open for business as well as his declared fight against corruption

™e move to evade scrutiny spells doom for the country, according to business consultant Simon Kayereka.

“™is amendment puts the country in the back pocket of the executive. It is drawn to exclude public scrutiny as their representa­tives have been disempower­ed. Why is Zimbabwe moving away from transparen­cy at a time the rest of the world is moving towards it?” Kayereka said. “From a business point of view, we leverage on the nation’s resources to develop the country. So if our resources are mortgaged and we are in debt, what remains? Our creditwort­hiness as a country is also dependent on transparen­cy. Business in the short and long-term will suffer as we continue to transfer resources.” presiding

™e dodgy diamond deals in Chiadzwa also exemplify the opaque nature of agreements made by the government. Two of the largest companies which operated in Chiadzwa had controvers­ial and murky structures.

Mbada Diamonds, for instance, was a joint operation between the Zimbabwe Mining Developmen­t Corporatio­n (ZMDC), through its subsidiary Marange Resources and Grandwell Holdings, partly owned by South African company New Reclamatio­n Group (Pty) Ltd (Reclam).

Grandwell is a limited liability company incorporat­ed under the laws of Mauritius in July 2009. Grandwell was owned 50,1% by Reclam, while a consortium of Chinese investors owned 49,99% of the company.

A mysterious Hong Kong-registered company, Transfront­ier Mining, later acquired 49,99% of Grandwell. ™e beneficial owners of Transfront­ier remain unknown.

™e government’s refusal to join the Extractive Industries Transparen­cy Initiative (Eiti), an internatio­nal organisati­on, which champions transparen­cy and accountabi­lity in the mining sector also speaks volumes of its discomfort with transparen­cy and accountabi­lity.

In his 2020 budget presentati­on, Finance minister Mthuli Ncube indicated that he would allocate resources to ensure that Zimbabwe joins the Eiti. However, this objective is dead in the water given the reported stiff resistance the proposal has met in government.

™e move to remove parliament­ary supervisio­n of government agreements makes a mockery of the government’s mantra that the country is open for business, according to economist Prosper Chitambara.

“I think it weakens transparen­cy and it also weakens accountabi­lity,” Chitambara said. “™is affects our image as a country as an open for business destinatio­n.”

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