The Zimbabwe Independent

ConCourt appointmen­ts draw criticism

- TINASHE KAIRIZA/ANDREW KUNAMBURA

PRESIDENT Emmerson Mnangagwa this week flexed his muscles by appointing five judges to the Constituti­onal Court (ConCourt) at a time Zimbabwe is paralysed by a constituti­onal crisis triggered by a recent High Court ruling that nullified the extension of former Chief Justice Luke Malaba’s tenure.

In an unexpected move, Mnangagwa named Justices Paddington Garwe, Rita Makarau, Ben Hlatshwayo, Anne-Marie Gowora and Bharat Patel to the ConCourt bench, a week after High Court judges Justices Happias Zhou, Edith Mushore and Jester Helena Charehwa nullified the extension of Malaba’s term of office by five years after reaching the age of retirement, previous set at 70.

e quintet was sworn in yesterday. e Chief Justice and Deputy Chief Justice will also be part of the Concourt.

Although the government has since appealed the ruling, the five justices appointed to the ConCourt by Mnangagwa are cited as respondent­s in the case.

is effectivel­y means that they cannot preside over the appeal, should the matter spill into the ConCourt.

University of London professor of World Politics Stephen Chan said while the cited judges in the matter could not preside over the appeal hearing in the ConCourt, their appointmen­t to the bench was a revelation that Mnangagwa was pursuing a ruling favourable to his political interests.

“It is an accepted jurisprude­ntial principle that people cannot be judge in their own case. e government had first appealed the decision of the High Court to the Supreme Court, until it was rightly pointed out that the appeal should be lodged with the Constituti­onal Court,” he said.

“ e government has the power to appoint judges to the Constituti­onal Court, but the circumstan­ces of this case indicates that the government is determined not to allow the judiciary to exercise its constituti­onal function of being a check and balance within a separation of powers. It is determined to get a judicial ruling that fits its political purpose.”

In an interview with our sister paper NewsDay yesterday, law lecturer at the University of Kent, Alex Magaisa, also highlighte­d that the affected judges could not be part of the impending appeal hearing.

“ ey cannot sit in court to make a determinat­ion in this particular case because all the judges are cited in the court applicatio­n and they are part of the appeal,” Magaisa said.

“ ey don’t have power to sit in a case in which they are also parties to that action. e same argument holds, it doesn’t change, that we are in a constituti­onal crisis.”

Following the landmark ruling, which subsequent­ly saw Justice Elizabeth Gwaunza assuming the influentia­l Chief Justice post in an acting capacity, Justice minister Ziyambi Ziyambi claimed that the judiciary was captured by foreign agents.

Ziyambi’s utterances drew mainly from the opposition society.

However, in a dramatic volte face, Mnangagwa, through micro-blogging site Twitter said the government would uphold the ruling, and respect the independen­ce of the judiciary.

Chan said Mnangagwa’s swift appointmen­t of the justices to the ConCourt following the High Court ruling, exposed a government that was bent on arrogating “increasing powers to itself”.

He said: “Whether proper process was followed in the appointmen­t of the Constituti­onal Court judges may however be the proper subject of debate.

“In most jurisdicti­ons outside Zimbabwe they would not be the result of purely executive decisions without some form of public review. e indication­s do seem to be of a government determined to arrogate increasing powers to itself.”

e newly appointed ConCourt judges, formerly of the Supreme Court, were subjected to public interviews in September last year.

Subsequent­ly, the Judicial Service Comcritici­sm, and civic mission (JSC) made recommenda­tions to Mnangagwa the following month. e ConCourt was birthed after Zimbabwe adopted a new governance charter in 2013, which Mnangagwa’s administra­tion has been amending in a move widely perceived to be a political strategy to consolidat­e his iron grip on power.

Prior to Constituti­onal Amendment No. 2, judges were subjected to public interviews after which the JSC would recommend to the President before appointmen­t.

But following the recent amendments, the President will now directly appoint senior judges.

e amendment also scrapped the running-mate clause before it was tested in an election.

Mnangagwa’s critics, view the amendments as a ploy by the President, who assumed power in 2017 through a military coup that toppled Robert Mugabe, to strengthen his grip on power while keeping his political opponents within the ruling Zanu PF party at bay.

Zanu PF is riven by factional battles pitting Mnangagwa and his deputy Vice-President Constantin­o Chiwenga.

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