The Zimbabwe Independent

Politician­s: Students of the tutor of tyrants’

- TENDAI MAKARIPE

WRITING in his book, e Prince, political theorist Niccolò Machiavell­i submits that for political leaders to engage successful­ly in the “beastly” struggle for power, they must know the game of the “lion and the fox.”

e lion is defenceles­s against traps but can easily frighten off wolves.

Conversely, the fox is defenceles­s against wolves but can ably recognise traps.

To him, opponents should be ruthlessly dealt with because it is better to be feared than to be loved.

However, beastly enough.

He advises princes to be crafty and cunning, keeping their word only when it suits their interests.

Machiavell­i argues that to survive and prosper, a ruler must be a skilled “deceiver” or else he will be tricked by the conniving and self-serving figures that surround him.

“To be a successful ruler is to be a skilled liar and in the service of the state, dishonesty becomes a virtue,” writes Machiavell­i.

His analysis of political figures and their intentions to acquire, maintain and exercise power is most apt when one examines the array of political conflicts that characteri­sed Zimbabwe’s political landscape throughout 2021.

With the 2023 plebiscite drawing close, political players have been jostling and engaging in incessant dog fights as they seek to position themselves in the leadership matrix.

To outwit, frustrate and paralyse political opponents, political players employed the teachings of Machiavell­i, a man often referred to as the tutor of tyrants or the disciple of Satan.

Within and between political conflicts have manifested.

In the ruling Zanu-PF, widening.

e party’s factional wrangling is continuing unabated despite the façade of a party that is a well-oiled machine.

Party members have reportedly taken sides with either President Emmerson Mnangagwa or pitched their tent in another faction associated with Vice-President Constantin­o Chiwenga.

e setting up of district structures earlier in the year was marred by violence.

Several district elections suffered stillbirth­s.

Mnangagwa acknowledg­ed the revolution­ary party had relapsed into turmoil, after which he threatened a crackdown against violators of the party’s constituti­on.

However, his threats have fallen on deaf ears, as dogfights continue to plague the party.

Mashonalan­d Central, Mashonalan­d West, Mashonalan­d East, Manicaland, Harare, Masvingo, and the Midlands provinces have been flashpoint­s of intra-party conflicts.

While some analysts have argued that violence is synonymous with politics, infighting threatens peace and security.

“After winning the liberation struggle, Zanu PF failed to put in place post-conflict recovery mechanisms. e party does not know how to handle conflict. It believes that violence is the answer,” said media and conflict resolution researcher Lazarus Sauti.

“Against this backdrop, the party resorts to violence to solve its intra-party issues as well as to deal with citizens. Because of state-party conflation in Zimbabwe, infighting in Zanu PF is narrowing democratic space and this is further threatenin­g peace and security in Zimbabwe,” added Sauti.

Poor governance for its part, to a large extent, goes hand-in-hand with the loss of legitimacy and authority, offering fertile ground for violence and further conflict.

Political analyst Tanaka Mandizvidz­a said: “Pervasive intra-party conflicts, which have now assumed crisis dimensions, are not given, but have been nurtured by certain structural factors which have shaped the contours of politics in Zimbabwe.”

Infighting within the opposition MDC -T party led by Douglas Mwonzora has also posed a threat to peace and security.

Kudzanai Mashumba, a former okozani Khupe aide was recently manhandled by MDC-T youth leader, Yvonne Musarurwa and several others at a press conference where he claimed he was set to expose mismanagem­ent of funds. power alone is fissures not parties, are

Violent clashes between Zanu-PF and the Nelson Chamisa-led MDC in Mashonalan­d West, Masvingo, Harare and Mashonalan­d Central have sent shivers down the spines of many who fear that these confrontat­ions might be a precursor to violent showdowns ahead of the 2023 plebiscite.

e ruling party is targeting five million votes while the MDC Alliance is targeting six million votes.

e tussle for votes has led political actors to employ Machiavell­ian brute force tactics.

e consequenc­es of such actions on human security are dire.

“Political parties in Zimbabwe need to urgently re-examine and re-engineer their internal and external mechanisms for managing conflicts,” said analyst Jethro Makumbe.

“Although there is no doubt that almost all political parties in the country have processes for internal and external conflict management enshrined in their constituti­ons, it would appear from existentia­l realities that these institutio­nal frameworks are weak. ey, therefore, need to be reengineer­ed and further strengthen­ed.”

Political parties should consider consolidat­ing the capacities of local branches in the sphere of conflict resolution.

Replacing a centralise­d approach to inter- and intra-party conflict resolution with a decentrali­sed approach in which local branches play critical roles is key.

e incorporat­ion of non-adversaria­l conflict management models into party internal and external conflict management menus is important as it inculcates a culture of trust and win-win attitudes at all levels within and outside parties.

Additional­ly, the judiciary should be reformed for enhanced electoral justice delivery. e setting up of election petition tribunals, with jurisdicti­ons over intraparty conflicts, should be considered, according to analysts.

An efficient judicial sector that can deliver justice speedily will contribute to lessening tensions among disputants within and outside parties, say experts.

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