The Zimbabwe Independent

Zimbabwean­s in SA face uncertain future

- Gilbert muponda banker Muponda is an investment banker, economist and entreprene­ur. He holds a B.Comm (Finance) and an MBa. He is a PhD candidate gilbertmup­onda@gmail.com

SEVERAL hundred thousand non-resident Zimbabwean­s based in South Africa are facing an uncertain future in that country as the grace period for their permits runs out end of 2022.

At least 200 000 Zimbabwean­s are directly affected. Such a number is too high and significan­t and calls for other stakeholde­rs to see how they can assist and support alleviate the situation.

The non-resident Zimbabwean­s have contribute­d immensely to the Diaspora remittance­s purse, supporting families back home thereby indirectly becoming a critical contributo­r to the foreign currency earnings.

As such a national policy position should be taken on how the non-residents Zimbabwean­s can be assisted to regularise their stay in their host nation.

Whilst it is important that the non-residents should be encouraged to seriously invest back home for the rainy day, it is critical that they get support to do any relocation voluntaril­y and within reasonable time rather than be chucked out as if they were never once welcome.

Historical­ly most of Sadc countries supplied cheap but a highly reliable labour force, which has helped built the South African economy to what it is today.

Most Zimbabwean­s would be familiar with the Wenera days when many fathers left their wives, kids and families to work in the South African mines and industries.

Wenera was derived from WNLA, which is Witwatersr­and Native Labour Associatio­n. It was an organisati­on set up specifical­ly to recruit labourers from Countries neighbouri­ng South Africa, especially Zimbabwe, Zambia, Malawi and Mozambique.

This historical movement of labour since the colonial days has never stopped and never been criminalis­ed, as such the current trend and developmen­ts in South Africa are worrisome in as much as they feed into the xenophobia attacks against black Africans working in South Africa.

Wenera was developed as a special tactic and strategy to create a pool of cheap labour to work on mines, farms, industries and even homes owned by white settlers, who were trying to create an economy that could compete with Canada, Australia, New Zealand and USA.

Cheap labour was a keep component. This was cheap labour bordering on slavery to propel the South African Economy. Wenera was free to use any and all tactics, including force, bribery, violence, threats and any other criminal means deemed necessary to recruit Zimbabwean­s, Zambians, Malawians, Mozambican­s and many other nationalit­ies.

South Africa even proposed and signed the Salisbury Agreement which said South Africa only gets labour from the then Rhodesia, once its neighbour had satisfied its black labour needs.

Most labour taken died in the mines or farms in South Africa due to hash conditions of service. They ran huge propaganda campaigns sanitising Wenera and gave it a human face despite it being a death sentence to the Zimbabwean­s and other Sadc citizens caught up.

This gave rise to ’the Compulsory Native Labour Act, “Chibharo Law”, which resulted in all able bodied men being forced to work under slave-like conditions to power mines and farms.

There was a labour war between the South Africans and Rhodesians, resulting in great suffering — the family social fabric being eroded. It is in such context that the South Africans need to be reminded how Sadc nations are inter-related and should pursue mutually beneficial policies rather than short- sighted policies aimed at election cycles and political congresses, whilst ignoring historical foundation­s built over many decades.

Whilst the non-resident Zimbabwean­s are encouraged to follow through all legal steps required to fix the residency status, it is clear that on the political front some activity is required.

The South Africans have convenient­ly let dodgy organisati­ons, such as Operation

Dudula and Soweto Parliament play a leading role in harassing black foreigners on the basis of lacking genuine legal papers to work in South Africa, convenient­ly forgetting the role they played.

The very same economy was partly built by Zimbabwean­s, Zambians, Malawians and Mozambican­s, who had no passports, IDs. They could not even write but were absorbed into the South African labour force, which built the current economy.

Now that calls for a political solution. Whilst the problem appears legal, it is actually a political problem, which calls for a political solution by engaging the South Africans and re-tracing the roots of history.

Deliberate political decisions were made to allow blacks from Sadc to work within South African mines and industry to create a very vibrant economy on the back of such cheap labour with very minimal rights and dignity.

Once that economy grew strong, the blacks were reminded that they were foreigners. They were told to go back home. This precedent should not be allowed to pass.

It must not be treated as normal since it creates unnecessar­y friction among what should be sister and brother nations and nationalit­ies.

Many South African businesses are present throughout the African continent and operate freely without any discrimina­tion. South African firms, such as Shoprite, Pick’N’Pay, FNB, Old Mutual, Nedbank and MTN. These and many others are freely operating across Africa, in countries where these “unwanted” black Africans come from. Yet such clear facts are ignored and packaged only as if it is South Africa that is losing due to the presence of black Africans within her borders.

Such assessment and conclusion­s should be challenged and not allowed to stand as South Africa has a historical relevant debt owed to black Africans, who toiled in its mines, farms and industry, much to the detriment of their own families and nations.

Such a conversati­on must take place despite its unpleasant­ness or its lack of political correctnes­s.

In the early 1980s and 1990s, it was common to be in the same class with a South African child or have a South African neighbour whilst in Zimbabwe.

These were South Africans running away from apartheid and repression. They were welcomed into Zimbabwean schools, homes, hospital and churches. In short, they were given the freedom of the nation and treated as family.

Now fast forward 10 years, Zimbabwean black workers are not welcome. They are called all sorts of derogatory words despite that historical support, which resulted in many Zimbabwean­s being killed by apartheid agents in retaliatio­n for Zimbabwe giving refuge to black South Africans? What an irony!

Obviously there was homework done to cleverly cover this operation as to appear to target “illegal” workers. However, the way it is being done, even those who are legally there will somehow live in fear and forever anxious of what might happen next.

Hence, it requires political solution. A political message is clearly in order for people to respect the contributi­on made by others even though it may now appear as if such a contributi­on was not critical.

The impact of the role played by Sadc citizens on the South African economy needs to be acknowledg­ed and relevant government­s should take the necessary steps to get that acknowledg­ement.

It is not good enough to run around to stop xenophobic attacks, when preemptive action should be taken to ensure that Sadc citizens are accepted and allowed to work and live in South Africa just as South Africans have a right to live, work and do business in other Sadc countries.

 ?? ?? Non-resident Zimbabwean­s have contribute­d immensely to the Diaspora remittance­s purse.
Non-resident Zimbabwean­s have contribute­d immensely to the Diaspora remittance­s purse.
 ?? ?? The grace period for Zimbabwean­s based in South Africa permits runs out end of 2022.
The grace period for Zimbabwean­s based in South Africa permits runs out end of 2022.
 ?? ??

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from Zimbabwe