The Zimbabwe Independent

Alarming African debt crisis (II)

- Zvikombore­ro Sibanda ECONOMIC ANALYST Sibanda is an economic analyst and researcher. He writes in his personal capacity. — brasibanda@gmail.com or Twitter: @bravon96.

LAST week, the column highlighte­d that Africa is trapped in debt, and this is helping sustain high poverty and vast inequaliti­es. High indebtedne­ss heavily constrains the countercyc­lical effects of fiscal policies and impedes domestic capital accumulati­on by heightenin­g interest, tax, and inflation rates.

However, it is worth noting that creditors are also playing a significan­t role in burdening developing countries with unsustaina­ble debt. This assertion can be linked to the historical design of the present-day global financial system (GFS).

The literature explains GFS as a complex network of financial institutio­ns, markets, and instrument­s that enables the flow of capital and resources within a country and across internatio­nal borders.

Furthermor­e, it is explained that GFS outlines rules of engagement between nations through the balance of payments and their monetary authoritie­s, such as central banks, treasuries, and stabilisat­ion funds managing them.

The preceding paragraphs makes it clear that the GFS is crucial in facilitati­ng global investment, promoting internatio­nal trade, and distributi­ng wealth among nations. While GFS is critical for sustaining economic growth and stability in developing countries, it can be a potential source of financial instabilit­y and contagion risks if poorly managed.

In the succeeding paragraphs, I seek to highlight some of the contributi­ons of the current GFS to the mounting African debt problem.

High borrowing costs

The developing world is experienci­ng complex challenges, including rising inequality, climate change, increasing systemic risks, financial markets vulnerable to cross-border contagion, entrenched gender bias, conflicts, and geopolitic­al shifts threatenin­g sustainabl­e developmen­t.

The global shocks — liquidity crunch, natural disasters, and pandemics — are gradually making even well-managed debt unsustaina­ble, ballooning the cost of debt refinancin­g to unsustaina­ble levels.

As a result, many low-income countries are in debt distress. Almost 40% of all developing countries (about 52 countries) are experienci­ng severe debt-related challenges and expensive market-based financing.

Although these countries account for a paltry 2,5% of worldwide output, they constitute about 15% of the global population. They are more than half of the world’s most climate-vulnerable countries, and account for 40% of all people living in abject poverty.

So, high borrowing costs in capital markets are curtailing Africa’s ability to invest in recovery and support sustainabl­e growth and developmen­t. Debt gravely subdues a nation’s ability to curb societal inequaliti­es, invest in climate and sustainabl­e environmen­t, and critical social services like health and education.

For instance, United Nations statistics show that in 2023, approximat­ely 14 countries’ sovereign bond yields exceeded the yields on United States (US) Treasury bonds by more than 10 percentage points, while 21 countries had sovereign bond yields exceeding US Treasury bond yields by at least six percentage points. This high borrowing cost increases the risks of future debt crises.

The existing financial architectu­re fails to support the mobilisati­on of stable and long-term financing needed to fight rising global debt challenges and achieve the United Nations (UN)'S Sustainabl­e Developmen­t Goals (SDGS) for all people.

Instead, creditors charge higher interest rates on loans provided to developing nations, with many government­s forced to allocate a high share of revenue to debt service payments instead of investing in critical social services.

Also, because of high indebtedne­ss leading to defaults, many African countries are experienci­ng high borrowing costs, including excessive interest on arrears and penalties.

Yet, without fair, rules-based global financial architectu­re, debt resolution has typically been too little, too late.

The debt restructur­ings offered by creditors are inadequate to provide a clean slate and avoid repeat crises, which often materialis­e too late with protracted high social costs.

Variations in access to liquidity

The current global financial architectu­re has massive variations in countries’ liquidity access during crises. In 1968, the Internatio­nal Monetary Fund (IMF) created the special drawing rights (SDR) system to supplement official reserves and facilitate global liquidity.

But the allocation of SDRS tends to disproport­ionately benefit countries that are less in need as they are distribute­d in proportion to existing IMF quotas.

The IMF quota system is primarily a function of an economy’s size and relative position in the world economy.

For instance, in 2021, the IMF issued a record US$650 billion in SDRS to help member countries combat the devastatin­g impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic.

Despite rich nations being the least likely to require or utilise these SDRS, they got approximat­ely US$450 billion.

This allocation constitute­d 70% of the total general SDR allocation, while Africa, with a population exceeding 1,4 billion, got fewer SDRS than Germany, with a population of 83 million.

Many advanced countries’ SDRS are never fully utilised and are kept as reserves.

Yet developing nations struggling with debt distress were forced to borrow more to meet the demands created by the Covid-19 pandemic.

For instance, World Bank statistics show that the debt burden of more than 70 lowincome nations increased by a record 12% to US$860 billion in 2020.

This exacerbate­d the debt crises and further subdued the capacity to service and repay the debts.

Conditiona­lities

The debt provided by almost all creditors has some conditions attached. The design of creditor-supported programmes has conditions: macroecono­mic, structural, fiscal, and monetary policy conditions.

Despite justificat­ion for setting these loan conditions, policies championed by multilater­al institutio­ns are viewed scepticall­y in many developing nations.

The ensuing austerity measures from these policies entail increases in taxes, including high user fees in the education and health sectors, deregulati­on, and downsizing of government through withdrawal of subsidies, reduction of civil service, and commercial­isation and privatisat­ion of critical state-owned enterprise­s.

Without establishi­ng strong social safety nets, these reforms disproport­ionately impact low-income people, who rely heavily on public services.

This was significan­tly attested by the Imf-led Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (Esap) implemente­d by Zimbabwe in the 1990s.

The Esap reforms contribute­d to deindustri­alisation, increased informalis­ation, high unemployme­nt, increased exchange rate depreciati­on, rampant inflation, and increased poverty and marginalis­ation.

A leaf from history shows that most of the developing countries that implement creditor-sponsored blanket policies would end up borrowing more for social protection to cushion vulnerable citizens and marginalis­ed and underserve­d communitie­s.

Under-investment

Most of the debt provided by creditors did not fund global public goods like climate action and pandemic preparedne­ss.

Also, for a long time, the debt sustainabi­lity analyses by GFS failed to incorporat­e climate risks and their impact on longterm investment­s to gauge the positive effects of these investment­s on productivi­ty and resilience on debt sustainabi­lity.

More so, the debt sustainabi­lity assessment­s did not reflect countries’ SDG financing needs as they failed to incorporat­e fiscal space for investment­s in the SDGS.

The current seniority system prioritise­s payments to external creditors instead of giving seniority to social protection obligation­s and payments related to other pressing domestic needs.

In 2023, the UN posited that although giving seniority to social protection obligation­s would increase the risk of default, it would more accurately reflect how much of a write-down is necessary when defaults occur.

As such, multilater­al institutio­ns should change business models to ensure all their lending has a sustainabl­e developmen­t impact.

This can include re-orientatio­n of allocation of concession­al finance to indicate vulnerabil­ities such as climate disasters and support for conflict-prone countries.

Resource-backed loans (RBLS)

Due to high indebtedne­ss, several African countries are experiment­ing with the RBL model. In this model, natural resources can serve as payment in kind, the resource of an income revenue stream used to make repayments or an asset that serves as collateral.

In other words, resource-backed loans (RBLS) are loans given to a government where repayment is either made directly from natural resources or a resource-related future income stream.

The debt overhang has directly impacted capital inflows and led to a vicious debt cycle in Africa — the cycle of continuous borrowing, accumulati­on of payment burden, and eventual default.

This has caused borrowing countries to lose access to global capital markets and suffer higher borrowing costs, harming growth and investment.

So, to reduce the impact of the debt cycle, the RBLS have become more appealing to cash-strapped African government­s already facing distressed debt levels. At the same time, predatory creditors are taking advantage of a debt crisis in Africa, thus aggravatin­g the situation.

Parting shot

The column highlighte­d that as much as Africa faces many internal troubles, including, among others, fragile politics, corrupt leadership, populist policies, tribal conflicts, and financial repression that have contribute­d to the debt crisis, external creditors have also played a significan­t role.

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