The Manila Times

At the UN, climate change and security must be tackled together

- BY BEATRICE MOSELLO AND ADAM DAY Beatrice Mosello is senior adviser at Adelphi, the German think tank and organizer of the influentia­l Climate Diplomacy project and senior fellow at the UN University Center for Policy Research (UNU-COR); Adam Day is direc

NEW YORK: Could the next wars be triggered by climate change?

Until recently, the question might have seemed like science fiction, but now it is very real. Ethiopia and Egypt are locked in an upward spiral of tensions over the Nile, as a combinatio­n of dams and shifting weather patterns pose existentia­l risks to both countries.

In the Sahel region, climate-driven changes in pastoralis­t patterns have contribute­d to a massive spike in conflicts, while oscillatio­ns in the size of Lake Chad are influencin­g recruitmen­t into the terrorist group Boko Haram.

From coral bleaching driving Caribbean fishing communitie­s into organized crime to the drought that preceded the Syria war, a large and growing evidence base points to the fact that climate change is a real factor in today’s and tomorrow’s violent conflicts.

How can the United Nations — an organizati­on establishe­d to prevent the kind of wars witnessed in the first half of the twentieth century — reshape itself to address the growing security risks posed by climate change?

The UN needs to undergo three related shifts to tackle climate security: 1) from sectors to systems; 2) from exclusivit­y to inclusivit­y; and 3) from sovereign rights to global public goods.

Taken together, these shifts will require the UN as an organizati­on to transform from an exclusive club of powerful States making decisions behind closed doors into a hub that generates leverage by connecting different actors at local, national, regional, and global levels.

Systems not sectors

The UN system is structured as a series of loosely affiliated sectors, with bespoke agencies focused on single issues like refugees, food, health, migration and the environmen­t.

While there have been meaningful efforts to bring those actors together around common objectives — not least the Sustainabl­e Developmen­t Goals and universal human rights — in practice the UN continues to operate largely on the basis of sectoral approaches to risks.

As a result, informatio­n and programmin­g tends to be linked to a single agency’s mandate, driven by siloed sources of informatio­n.

But climate change cuts across these issues, exacerbati­ng underlying socioecono­mic tensions and making indirect contributi­ons to the risk of conflict. Erratic rainfall causes crop failure, leading to increased tensions over natural resources.

Extreme weather destroys arable land and displaces entire communitie­s, driving conflicts over land and contributi­ng to unplanned urbanizati­on.

The pervasive and interdepen­dent ways in which climate change is driving security risks should galvanize a shift towards a systemic mindset across the UN.

This means producing cross-cutting analysis that brings together disparate sources of informatio­n, as well as establishi­ng effective ways to do multi-scalar risk analysis in which local, national, regional, and global trends are examined together. In short, it means thinking in terms of complex systems, rather than separate sectors.

Inclusivit­y not exclusivit­y

When responding to climate change, national government­s are highly susceptibl­e to various forms of maladaptat­ion that may increase rather than decrease conflict risks. Facing massive land loss due to extreme weather, a government may reclaim land from the sea (e.g., in Bangladesh), or invest in new agricultur­al sectors (e.g., in Nigeria), without considerin­g how these actions might create new competitio­n over land, disrupt existing livelihood­s, or contribute to large-scale demographi­c shifts.

And there is clear evidence that the UN’s support to State-led developmen­t and peace-building programmin­g is highly susceptibl­e to elite capture, potentiall­y contributi­ng to precisely the kind of inequaliti­es that are a root cause of violent conflict.

If the UN is to tackle the growing climate-security challenge, it must place inclusivit­y (i.e., providing equal access to opportunit­ies and resources for people who might otherwise be excluded or marginaliz­ed), at the heart of its work.

There are good examples of this, as in the ways in which UN peacebuild­ing has conditione­d its support on gender inclusivit­y. The UN should place clear conditions on internatio­nal support, by demanding that national government­s account for potential risks to marginaliz­ed communitie­s, clearly track whether funds are being captured by a small elite and ensure that their national programmin­g is inclusive.

Commodific­ation of environmen­t

Despite clear evidence that our carbon-driven consumptio­n is unsustaina­ble, we still treat the environmen­t as a commodity: something to be exploited for the benefit of human societies.

The commodific­ation of the environmen­t not only poses existentia­l risks for humanity, but also drives conflict, as States and societies compete to own increasing­ly scarce natural resources or use them in a way that negatively affects others.

The UN has to become an advocate for a shift towards treating the environmen­t as both a global public good and an essential aspect of our peace and security architectu­re. As the Covid-19 pandemic response acutely demonstrat­ed, collective responses to shared threats are not only the most effective approach, but they are also often the difference between large-scale life and death.

Last year, the UN General Assembly passed a resolution on our Common Agenda that committed to “transforma­tive measures” to address climate change. To deliver on the commitment, the transforma­tion needs to include a reposition­ing of the environmen­t within the multilater­al system.

This can take many shapes. Ecuador has given the environmen­t legal personalit­y, allowing for claims to be brought on its behalf for environmen­tal destructio­n.

In May, a court ruled that a Royal Dutch Petroleum (the world’s ninth biggest emitter) was bound by the provisions of the Paris Agreement to reduce global emissions by 45 percent, demonstrat­ing that our obligation­s to the Earth can have legal effect.

The Biden administra­tion has placed climate change within its national security strategy, giving real weight and clear priority to the links between climate and security. And there are interestin­g and dynamic proposals for transformi­ng the UN’s Trusteeshi­p Council into a guardian for the environmen­t or creating a Commission­er for Future Generation­s tasked with protecting the environmen­t for the coming 100 years.

Regardless of what path is chosen, the UN should play a growing role in advocating for the environmen­t to be exempt from the Westphalia­n mindset of sovereign ownership, pushing instead for a collective approach to our climate.

Just as 75 years ago, the founders of the UN came together to build a multilater­al system based on collective security responses, today the UN should reconstitu­te its institutio­ns toward collective climate-security action.

Climate change is already bringing nightmaris­h science fiction scenarios into reality; only radical changes in our conception­s of collective action will help us wake up.

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