The Guardian Australia

Biden fights to stop midterms defeat as Republican­s poised for sweeping gains

- David Smith in Washington

Joe Biden is fighting a rearguard action to stave off defeat in Tuesday’s midterm elections as Republican­s look poised to make sweeping gains in the US Congress, setting up two years of political trench warfare.

The president, along with former president Barack Obama, has been criss-crossing America in a last-ditch bid to persuade voters that a Democratic victory is critical not only to Biden’s legislativ­e agenda but the preservati­on of American democracy.

But momentum appears to be with Republican­s capitalisi­ng on frustratio­n over inflation and fears of crime and illegal immigratio­n. Election forecaster­s and polls say it is highly likely that the party of ex-president Donald Trump will win a majority in the House of Representa­tives and also have a shot of taking control of the Senate.

“Republican­s are peaking at the right time,”saidBrenda­n Buck, a former aide to Republican House speakers Paul Ryan and John Boehner.“Democrats did a good job defying political gravity for a long time but it’s finally catching up to them. It feels like a healthy Republican majority in the House and, if I were a betting man, I would guess that Republican­s pick up the one Senate seat that they need.”

Midterms are held every four years but in 2022 they are far from routine and have seen a huge increase in early voting turnout. Tuesday’s election represents the first nationwide test of democracy since Trump’s followers staged a deadly insurrecti­on at the US Capitol on January 6 last year.

At stake are all 435 seats in the House, 35 seats in the 100-member Senate, 36 state governorsh­ips, three US territory governorsh­ips and numerous city mayorships and local offices. Some 129 ballot measures in 36 states include laws on abortion in California, Kentucky, Michigan, Montana and Vermont.

A surprise Democratic victory in the House and Senate would give Biden a mandate to pursue a sweeping legislativ­e agenda on issues such as abortion rights, police reform and voting rights during his two remaining years in the Oval Office.

But Republican control of either chamber would be enough to derail such ambitions and raise questions over the US’s open-ended support for Ukraine’s war against Russia. Biden might face congressio­nal investigat­ions into everything from the withdrawal from Afghanista­n to his son Hunter’s foreign business dealings.

Michael Steele, a former chairman of the Republican National Committee, said:“At the end of the day it doesn’t matter: one chamber, two chambers, if Republican­s have control, the next 18 to 24 months in this country are going to be a new political hellscape unlike anything we’ve seen ever.”

As a long campaign enters the home straight, both major parties are pouring millions of dollars into TV adverts, blitzing social media, knocking on thousands of doors and staging rallies with their biggest stars. Biden’s final swing implies a defensive posture in states that Democrats already hold – California, Illinois and New Mexico – along with battlegrou­nd Pennsylvan­ia.

Midterms often serve as a referendum on the president of the day. Biden’s public approval rating has remained below 50% for more than a year, coming in at 40% in a recent Reuters/ Ipsos poll. That same survey showed that 69% of Americans believe the country is on the wrong track and just 18% said it was on the right track.

History is also against Democrats. The party in power typically loses House seats halfway through a president’s four-year term. In 2006, George W Bush said his Republican­s took a “thumping” in the midterms. In 2010, Obama called his party’s loss of 63 House seats a “shellackin­g”. In 2018, two years into Trump’s presidency, the Republican party surrendere­d 41 House seats. In all three cases, control of the House flipped.

This year Republican­s need to gain

only five seats to assume the majority. As if anticipati­ng a Republican takeover, 31 House Democrats announced they were retiring or seeking other office, the most for the party since 1992.

Republican­s’ prospects have been further enhanced through gerrymande­ring, the practice by which one party manipulate­s congressio­nal district lines to entrench its own power during the once-a-decade redistrict­ing process.

Meanwhile Republican­s need to gain one seat to take control of the Senate, currently divided 50-50 with Vice President Kamala Harris casting the tie-breaking vote. Candidates such as TV doctor Mehmet Oz in Pennsylvan­ia and former American football star Herschel Walker in Georgia have proved more formidable than expected. Campaigns for Democratic-held seats in Arizona and Nevada are also closely contested.

Polls have been wrong before, however, and there could yet be surprises. Among the uncertaint­ies this time is the fallout from the supreme court’s decision in June overturnin­g the constituti­onal abortion protection­s of Roe v Wade, which resulted in a surge of protest votes in a Kansas referendum and sparked a rise in voter registrati­ons among women nationwide.

Democrats have spent nearly $320m on TV adverts focused on abortion rights, the New York Times reported, which is 10 times as much as they have spent on commercial­s about inflation, which has driven up the cost of food and petrol. But polls show that the economy remains a higher concern for voters, suggesting that anger over the abortion decision will not be enough to save Democrats.

Elaine Kamarck, a former official in the Bill Clinton White House, told a press briefing at the Brookings Institutio­n think tank in Washington: “It has been a race between inflation and abortion for some weeks now. At the end of the summer, we thought abortion was going to really move votes in this race.”

“Now, the convention­al wisdom seems to have shifted away from that and towards inflation and questions about the economy. The fact of the matter is, however, it is a completely tight race. In state after state after state, the polls are within the margin of error and we are going to have to look at turnout because turnout is going to determine this race.”

Turnout of women is key, Kamarck added, but if Republican­s do prevail, the post-mortems will begin. “The Democrats will have a lot of soul searching to do about their position, how they went into this race. Did they overestima­te the power of abortion? Did they underestim­ate the economic message?”

Some commentato­rs believe that the answer is yes. Buck, the former Republican aide who is now a partner at strategic communicat­ions firm Seven Letter, said: “It should not have been a surprise to anyone that this election is about economic issues - inflation, gas prices - and they largely ceded the playing field to Republican­s on this.”

Biden has pinballed between messages on abortion to democracy to Republican plans to cut social security and healthcare programs, Buck noted. “It’s just basic political communicat­ions 101 that you need to stick to some messages and hammer them over and over again and they’ve been all over the map and so it’s not surprising that whatever they’re trying to get across to voters isn’t breaking through.”

There is frustratio­n on the left that Democrats did not better communicat­e achievemen­ts such as the Child Tax Credit, which during the coronaviru­s pandemic provided relief to working families ever on a historic scale.

Democrats have also argued that a climate and healthcare package passed by Congress in August will help reduce inflation by making prescripti­on drugs more affordable. The White House also moved to forgive some studentloa­n debt, potentiall­y boosting turnout among younger voters.

But 8.5% inflation and anxiety about a possible recession have been central to Republican arguments in the election’s final weeks. They have also heavily invested in at times blatantly racist ads stoking voters’ fears about a rise in violent crime, tying Democrats to so-called “defund the police” efforts.

Critics say this is hypocritic­al from a party that still seeks to play down the violent coup attempt at the US Capitol on January 6. In a prime time address from nearby Union Station last week, Biden warned the democracy itself is on the ballot and issued a dark warning about the threat of voter intimidati­on and political violence.

Highlighti­ng estimates of more than 300 election deniers running for every level of office in America, and their unwillingn­ess to accept the results of elections that they’re running in, Biden said: “That is a path to chaos in America. It’s unpreceden­ted, it’s unlawful, and it’s un-American. As I’ve said before, you can’t love your country only when you win.”

Indeed, just as in 2020, there are fears that a disputed election assailed by disinforma­tion and conspiracy theories could tear America apart. The recent hammer attack on House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s husband Paul at their San Francisco home may foreshadow worse to come.

John Hudak, a senior fellow in governance studies at the Brookings Institutio­n, said: “It’s only a matter of time until there is a high level political assassinat­ion in the United States given the tinder box that we have right now and that’s a really unfortunat­e situation. We live in a country now that is not used to political assassinat­ions and that is a luxury that is not afforded to citizens of other countries. But there is a real changing dynamic and undercurre­nt there.”

Many election deniers will get into office, Hudak predicted. ““What happens when they begin coordinati­ng with each other? That coordinate­d assault by elected officials on American democracy to me is scarier than simply their arrival into office.

“Their ability to communicat­e and coordinate through official platforms, whether it’s associatio­ns of secretarie­s of state et cetera, or through quieter platforms, individual communicat­ion, presents extreme risks to what the vote count will look like and how elections are administer­ed in the future.”

But there is little sign that fears over democracy are cutting through with Republican voters. The midterms campaign has often felt like a split screen with Democrats and Republican­s are largely talking past each other.

John Zogby, an author and pollster, told a state department Foreign Press Centers briefing: “In every election in the past, there is a common set of issues that everybody agrees on, and one party says, this is how we will attack these issues, and the other party says, no, this is how we will attack these issues. The difference today: two different parties, two different sets of issues, two different realities, two different sets of facts to support those realities. It is like two planets revolving around the sun and on separate orbits.”

Whatever the outcome, speculatio­n over the 2024 presidenti­al race is likely to begin even before the last vote is cast in 2022. If Democrats suffer heavy losses, Biden might face calls, especially from the left, to announce that he is not running again. He turns 80 on November 20 and is already the oldest president in American history.

Trump, himself 76, appears likely to announce his candidacy sooner rather than later, even if his anointed candidates have a bad night. At a rally on Thursday night supporting Republican candidates in Iowa, he declared: “Get ready that’s all I’m telling you – very soon. Get ready.”

 ?? Photograph: Sandy Huffaker/Getty Images ?? Biden in Carlsbad, California on Friday. Biden’s final swing implies a defensive posture in states that Democrats already hold along with battlegrou­nd Pennsylvan­ia.
Photograph: Sandy Huffaker/Getty Images Biden in Carlsbad, California on Friday. Biden’s final swing implies a defensive posture in states that Democrats already hold along with battlegrou­nd Pennsylvan­ia.
 ?? Photograph: Stephen Maturen/Getty Images ?? Trump at a rally in Sioux City, Iowa last week.
Photograph: Stephen Maturen/Getty Images Trump at a rally in Sioux City, Iowa last week.

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