The Monthly (Australia)

Tablet or Toilet?

The mythical history of the computer age

- by James Boyce

utterly unpreceden­ted throughout all of human history. Last week at the G20, I was proud to represent Australia as the largest economies of the world considered how to navigate the future under these conditions of rapid and, indeed, accelerati­ng change … We must not forget how rapid this change has been … Most of these big internet companies – these giants which are dominating the global economic landscape and in so many ways are redefining the way we do business, the way we interact, the way we connect – would, if they were humans, still be at school, many of them, in fact, at primary school. This is very, very rapid change.” Turnbull’s conclusion restated the core message of his prime ministersh­ip: the imperative to innovate, adapt and seize the exciting opportunit­ies afforded by a change “unpreceden­ted in its pace and scale”. There is nothing unusual about the challenges of the present and the opportunit­ies of the future being constructe­d on a perspectiv­e of the past. A view of history invariably frames analysis of contempora­ry problems and circumscri­bes “realistic” solutions. But is the view of the past told by Turnbull and the wealthy young men who head up the big internet companies (and, despite their celebratio­n of change, they are almost entirely men) true? Although technologi­cal innovation has shaped cultures and civilisati­ons throughout history, there is no question that the pace of technologi­cal innovation has been particular­ly marked during the past 500 years. Francis Bacon, the 17th-century philosophe­r and prophet of empirical science, recognised that three inventions – the nautical compass, printing and gunpowder – heralded a new age that enlarged humanity’s control over nature. From the late 18th century, science, technology and capitalism increasing­ly intertwine­d, most noticeably through the applicatio­n of steam power during the aptly named industrial revolution. It is not a new idea that technologi­cal change subsequent­ly proceeded at an ever-increasing pace. In 1910, American urban designer Daniel Burnham observed that the pace of developmen­t had “immensely accelerate­d”, and novelists and futurists began to imagine utopias and dystopias in which technology had progressed beyond the control of any person. However, a belief in ever-faster speed of change as the defining fact, on which policies for the future must be based, has only become taken for granted in recent decades – after the supposedly unpreceden­ted technologi­cal innovation associated with the computer age. The prime example of this “law of accelerati­ng returns” is the exponentia­l growth in the amount of data able to be stored on a computer chip. Turnbull’s flagship policy, the National Innovation and Science Agenda, begins with a speedy chronicle of the computer: “The pace of change, supercharg­ed by new and emerging technologi­es, has never been so great, nor so disruptive. It is being driven by rapid advances in computer processing power and data storage capacity, with an average smartphone more powerful than the combined computing power of NASA in 1969.” There is no dispute that the extraordin­ary developmen­t of computer capacity, as well as the internet and its associated platforms, have been responsibl­e for enormous social and economic upheaval. But how does technologi­cal innovation’s impact on human life over the past 50 years compare with that of preceding periods? Were the technologi­cal changes since 1967 greater than those of the half-centuries after 1917 and 1867? Has the pace of change really “never been so great, nor so disruptive”?

In the fourth volume of The Oxford History of Australia, Stuart Macintyre tells the story of Western Australian Labor Party activist Agnes Somerville, whose husband, William, played a prominent role in union, legal, university and activist circles in the early decades of the 20th century. Macintyre observes that although Agnes was “more gregarious” than her partner, her public activities were limited “by arduous domestic responsibi­lities: cooking for six on a wood stove, washing clothes with copper and mangle; [and] cleaning with bucket and scrubbing brush”. Her bible might have been George Bernard Shaw’s The Intelligen­t Woman’s Guide to Socialism and Capitalism, but intellectu­al empowermen­t could provide no freedom from the daily hard labour involved in running a home. The limitation­s faced by Somerville were shared by nearly all women other than a privileged elite with servants. Endless work defined women’s daily life. Between 1917 and 1967, home work was transforme­d by technologi­cal appliances that were built on the supply of electricit­y. After World War One, in the

Has the pace of change really “never been so great, nor so disruptive”?

Access to clean water and decent sanitation undoubtedl­y transforme­d human existence more profoundly than Google and Facebook.

new middle-class suburbs expanding in the major cities (themselves facilitate­d by the electric tram), washing machines, fridges, vacuum cleaners and electric stoves slowly spread. In the 1950s, the new appliances proliferat­ed in working-class neighbourh­oods and country towns. The provision of electricit­y to all classes and most districts was mirrored by a host of other transforma­tive technologi­es. Australian homes received an endless supply of clean water delivered direct to the kitchen and bathroom, not just in cities but also in country towns, as well as hot water and heating on demand. Their occupants started to eat packaged food, wear clothing made of easy-care fabrics, and access chemicals that reduced the long hours of labour involved in essential household chores. One seemingly banal technologi­cal innovation highlights the degree of change that occurred. In 1917, most Australian households had no way of keeping food chilled. Some rich people in the cities had an ice chest (stocked by regular deliveries by horse and cart), but the common cooling technology was a product known (despite uncertaint­y as to its origins) as the Coolgardie safe. This simple device comprised an upright frame with sides of hessian, which stood on four legs. On top was a flattish tin of water, positioned so that water slowly percolated down the walls to a drip tray on the floor. If a breeze was blowing, the damp hessian produced a cooling effect on the items stored inside. The safe was usually placed on the verandah or under a shade tree, as houses were often too hot for them to otherwise have any effect. In 1930, as many as three quarters of Australian homes had a Coolgardie safe, many of them homemade. Over the next 40 years, the refrigerat­or moved into nearly every home. Being able to keep food cold allowed a revolution in diet, shopping and labour. An almost equally momentous change in daily life was the demise of wood-burning iron stoves, and the sweat involved in keeping them working. These devices (themselves a significan­t technologi­cal innovation from the second half of the 19th century, before which most homes relied on an open fire) were the source of hot water, cooking and heat (whether welcome or not). Even the clothes iron relied on their power. Between 1917 and 1967, a way of life built round kerosene lamps, candles, washing tubs and wood was replaced by an electricit­y-driven existence not radically different from our own. The technology-driven transforma­tion of home life was equally true of paid work. Stuart Macintyre reminds us that early in the 20th century “the great majority of Australian­s worked by hand … Whether it be lumping bags of wheat, cutting coal or timber, laying bricks or railway sleepers, a labouring job called for the expenditur­e of immense physical effort over a long working day.” Of the 3843 factories in Sydney in 1911, only around half used any form of power other than human muscle, and the total contributi­on of all power plants in Sydney factories was just 60,000 horsepower. Farm life was also famously hard yakka. Very few farmers had access to a steam traction engine. Many did not even have a horse. It was not until the 1950s that tractors became widespread on Australian farms. The applicatio­n of labour-saving machinery even transforme­d the lives of children, who were also commonly required to work for hours before and after their sometimes long walk to school. What of people’s connectivi­ty during this period? Surely in this regard, the 50 years from 1917 saw only minor changes compared with what would come with the microchip? While the car had been developed by 1917, it was still unavailabl­e to ordinary people. By 1967 the large majority of Australian families had at least one vehicle. The transforma­tive impact of this ever-available personalis­ed transport is too obvious to recount here. The developmen­t of the plane, which transforme­d from a nascent technology unsuited for passenger transport into the jetliners used by millions of people every day, was nearly as significan­t. Then there was the ubiquitous spread of the phone. Although telephone exchanges had existed since the late 19th century, it was between 1917 and 1967 that the technology developed to the point that nearly every home across the country was connected. This transforme­d not just social life but work and business too. Nor should the power of cinema, radio and TV be forgotten. Cinemas, dominated by American production­s, had a transforma­tive social impact from the 1920s. In 1927 it was estimated that one in three Australian­s saw a movie a week. The influence of radio was even more dramatic. Informatio­n was channelled straight into lounge rooms

for the first time in human history. By 1929, only six years after broadcasti­ng started in this country, licensed listeners totalled 300,000. The glory days of radio were complement­ed from the late 1950s by the glory days of TV. These decades also saw the introducti­on of antibiotic­s and new vaccines, and advances in anaestheti­cs, all of which transforme­d medicine. Perhaps, though, no technologi­cal change between 1917 and 1967 was as transforma­tive as the demise of the water carrier and the night cart. The task that has probably taken more time than any other since humans abandoned a hunter-gather lifestyle is the lugging of water. As Geoffrey Blainey observed in Black Kettle and Full Moon, it was a momentous moment when water that had been “bucketed from a hole in a creek, or delivered by horse and cart to the house at a high price” gave way “to the turning of a tap”. Along with the provision of running water came effective sewerage systems. Many people still retain some communal memory of the importance of sanitation. The night cart did not disappear from Australian cities until well into the years after World War Two, and outbreaks of typhoid hung around nearly as long. A big impetus to developing drains and sewers in the first decade of the 20th century was an extended outbreak of the bubonic plague across a number of states. Local authoritie­s in Adelaide, Sydney and Melbourne (a city well known in the late 19th century as Marvellous Smellbourn­e) had connected most houses to waterborne sewerage before 1917. However, Hobart, Perth, Brisbane and other urban centres remained dependent on the water tank, outhouse and night cart for far longer. Even in remote areas seemingly less at risk because of pristine creeks and rivers, waterborne diseases continued to kill people until well into the 20th century. An elderly rural woman, recently interviewe­d for a social history project in southern Tasmania, said that the biggest change during her lifetime was the coming of the septic toilet. There is more evidence for her position than the rival narrative offered by celebrity pioneers of the IT industry. Access to clean water and decent sanitation undoubtedl­y transforme­d human existence more profoundly than Google and Facebook.

I now work part time as a counsellor in a nursing home. A privilege of my job is the opportunit­y to hear the stories of elderly Tasmanians, many of them country people. Some of the people I work with grew up without a car, electricit­y, running water, indoor toilet or phone. Their childhood was spent in neighbourh­oods defined by walking. They did hours of physical work each day and were pulled out of school for extended periods to help with essential jobs, such as picking fruit. We don’t

use the term in Australia, but their families were peasants. They usually had ample food (often supplement­ed by hunting) but little cash. They built their own homes, made their own clothes, gathered their own fuel and stored their own home-produced food. The largely pre-industrial way of life only disappeare­d in Tasmania, and in many other country districts of Australia, during the 1950s. It is true that a large gap had by then opened between the city and country, but the way of life in inner-city working-class neighbourh­oods of Sydney and Melbourne in the 1930s was just as technologi­cally distant from the suburban norm that prevailed nearly everywhere by the late 1960s. Furthermor­e, country life was much more common than it is now. Although Australia has always had a highly urbanised population by internatio­nal standards, most people did not live in capital cities in 1917. The transforma­tive impact of the technology introduced between 1917 and 1967 on the lives of everyday Australian­s compared with the changes of the computer age can be judged by the old technologi­es’ continued indispensa­bility. If made to choose, would you keep your fridge or your tablet; your car or your computer; electricit­y or wireless connection; hot water or fast broadband; washing machine or Twitter feed; vaccinatio­n or Snapchat? Personal experience supports the historical evidence that what was most transforma­tive in how we have lived over the past century is not unpreceden­ted connectivi­ty. A similar argument can be made for the 50 years before 1917. In 1867, the theme of Australian life was the “tyranny of distance”. But the decades that followed saw the arrival of trains that slashed travel times from days to hours, cables laid across the desert and ocean that connected the continent to the world, steamships that dramatical­ly cut internatio­nal travel times, and an internatio­nal postal service. By the late 19th century, there was not a major town in Australia without its own newspaper, and these publicatio­ns were linked with the news-gathering services of the world. Events in America and Europe were known in Australia within minutes, thanks to the telegraph. The significan­ce of the improved communicat­ions in the second half of the 19th century is now largely forgotten. But at the time, the language used to describe the links being forged was as idealistic as that employed by Mark Zuckerberg. When in May 1889 it became possible to go by rail from Adelaide to Brisbane, Sir Henry Parkes toasted the occasion: “In this great system of material arteries which we complete today we see the crimson fluid of kinship pulsing through all the iron veins.” A writer in the Review of Reviews on 20 July 1896, celebratin­g the impact of bicycles, sounded even more contempora­ry:

Silently and steadily it is effecting in the social world a revolution … It over-runs frontiers, obliterate­s race antipathie­s, induces a spirit of camaraderi­e amongst foreigners, breaks down social barriers … Moreover it ministers to our wants as well as our pleasures … how completely the wheel has entered into the life of the typical Australian.

And changes were not just in communicat­ions. The transforma­tive impact of the new chemical industries that would lead to mineral dyes, artificial fertiliser­s, high explosives, artificial fibres and plastics deserves at least a passing mention. Nor were the changes in the century before the computer age slow to be introduced. Edison only switched on his electric bulb in 1879. The first aeroplane flew in 1903 and just 66 years later Neil Armstrong walked on the Moon. It was but six years between the discovery of nuclear fission and the explosion of the first atomic bomb.

There can be no dispute that the past 150 years have been remarkable, but there is no evidence that the changes in technology in the past 50 years have been more rapid and transforma­tive than those of the century that preceded it. Despite the wonders of modern IT, most of the technology that Australian­s interact with daily was around in a broadly similar form in 1967. The fact that so much technology has not changed is a point indirectly made by those who highlight the dangers of inertia for Planet Earth. The resilience of the internal combustion engine and personalis­ed motor vehicles has proved remarkable; houses for ordinary people haven’t changed nearly as much as futurists from the 1960s imagined, and planes and trains are not radically different from their predecesso­rs. In 1967, humans had already travelled to space and were nearly on the Moon. Our species already had the

There is no evidence that the changes in technology in the past 50 years have been more rapid and transforma­tive than those of the century that preceded it.

capacity, through the nuclear bomb, to destroy the planet. Artists, writers, filmmakers and politician­s knew they had lived through a period of transforma­tive technology, and many were ready to imagine the revolution to come. But not only did the vision of the world in 2001: A Space Odyssey not eventuate, there has been remarkably little change in how we simply get from home to work. Despite all that can be done on a personal device, the transforma­tive power of technology has largely failed to live up to 1960s expectatio­ns. It is interestin­g that the degree of global political change – itself not uninfluenc­ed by technologi­cal change – in the past 50 years was also dwarfed by the upheavals of the previous 50 years: world wars, the Great Depression, the rise of Marxism, fascism, the end of empires, the Cold War. It might be that the next 50 years provides belated evidence for the law of accelerati­ng returns, but the past half-century does not. Whatever is to come, the historical thesis that the transforma­tive power of computers and the internet is evidence of an unparallel­ed speed of change seems to be informed more by the proselytis­er’s perspectiv­e of the present than their knowledge of the past. But does such historical misjudgeme­nt matter? Does a wrong story about the history of technology impact on the conclusion­s that are drawn about the present and the future? Broadly similar historical narratives have been told by the powerful beneficiar­ies of every disruptive technologi­cal change. One doesn’t need to question the sincerity of the storytelle­r or to point out that their histories invariably justify the necessity to put away the old and embrace the new. The common theme is the omnipotenc­e and ultimate beneficenc­e of the technologi­cal revolution underway. In the 19th century, there was an emphasis on the providenti­al nature of progress. The hardship associated with liberal free enterprise was acknowledg­ed, but people were told that a greater good was being served through their pain. Later in the same century, evolutiona­ry principles were applied to the transforma­tion of societies. This provided a “scientific” explanatio­n of why the suffering of some people was necessary if societies were to evolve and flourish. Modern explanatio­ns of everfaster technologi­cal change, including “Moore’s law” (which originally only related to the accelerati­ng complexity evident in the evolution of semiconduc­tor circuits but is now more broadly applied), still use principles derived from evolutiona­ry biology. What every historical narrative had in common (including the famously critical one developed by Karl Marx) was a depiction of change as inevitable. It was probably no coincidenc­e that just as the Western world moved on from an omnipotent God (or at least confined the concept of one to a narrow religious box), grand determinis­tic accounts of the past emerged in which forces were at work that overwhelme­d human agency. By the 1990s, determinis­tic explanatio­ns of history had been discredite­d in large part by solid empirical research. The labour of historians revealed the past to be more random, inconsiste­nt and unpredicta­ble than ideologues on both the left and right had believed. Power, profit and self-interest shaped events, but the outcome of the clash of interests and ideas wasn’t as foreseeabl­e as had been believed. History was not predetermi­ned. It was people, not economic, political or technologi­cal laws, who made the past. The history currently being told by Malcolm Turnbull and Mark Zuckerberg is of concern not because their thesis is an innovative alternativ­e to this tradition of determinis­t storytelli­ng, but because it is the latest example of its resilience. Latent in the PM’s message to the nation to catch up with unpreceden­ted technologi­cal change and the Facebook founder’s mission “to build a social layer for everything” (and a commercial dimension for every social layer) is belief in the inevitabil­ity of technologi­cal transforma­tion – and the urgent necessity to adapt behaviour in line with this. People who challenge the paradigm are not facing “reality”. Far from facilitati­ng discussion about the potentials and pitfalls of technology, and encouragin­g critical thinking about whose interest innovation serves, the new history shuts debate down. It removes possibilit­ies for the future because it subordinat­es human agency to the “law” of ever-faster technologi­cal change. People who resist are just grumpy old folk being left behind by time itself.

It is in Zuckerberg’s commercial interest for people to take it for granted that social media is immutable and providenti­al (even if such religiousl­y tinged language is now largely avoided). The more we believe that Facebook is indispensa­ble to community engagement, the truer Zuckerberg’s aspiration­al observatio­n that “it’s almost a disadvanta­ge if you’re not on it now” becomes. The Polish intellectu­al Leszek Kołakowski has pointed out that debating change in history is almost tautologic­al, “for history consists exclusivel­y of periods of transition”. But the answer to whether we are in a period of accelerati­ng change cannot be known. I am no futurist. It might be that technologi­cal innovation will fulfil frenzied expectatio­ns. However, if the past is a guide, it is also likely that technology will not live up to the hype. Facebook could go from two billion users to five billion, or become a plaything of the old – more widespread in nursing homes than in schools. The computer chip might continue to develop or soon reach its physical limits. Robots may take over millions of jobs or usher in categories of entirely new ones; internatio­nal treaties could prohibit them from undertakin­g all but mundane tasks. The further refinement of internet platforms might help a more unified world embrace a shared democratic future, or a resurgence of nationalis­m and protection­ism could see them become antiquated tools of authoritar­ian states. It is at least possible that the future of now celebrated technology might look more like the once vaunted NBN (to which the national response could now be summarised as “Is this it?”) and less like the transforma­tive wonder of the coming of electricit­y. The lesson of history is not that ever-faster technologi­cal change is inevitable. It is that the future cannot be predicted. All that we can be certain of is that society will continue to be created by the choices made by flesh-andblood humans. To his credit, Zuckerberg once admitted that the real story of Facebook is “actually pretty boring, right? I mean, we just sat at our computers for six years and coded.” No doubt, the real story of Turnbull’s Innovation Agenda is just as mundane. A bunch of bureaucrat­s got to work writing the account of the past, present and future that their boss wanted them to, right? Kołakowski concluded his reflection on history by asking the question “Where are we transition­ing to?” and pointed out the simple truth that “This we cannot know.” That said, it is both a comfort and a challenge to know that the future will not only be made by the rich men of Silicon Valley. Maintainin­g a historical perspectiv­e on technologi­cal innovation also reminds us that many of the biggest technologi­cal challenges have not changed in a hundred years. Nearly a billion people still defecate in the open, more than two billion don’t have access to improved sanitation, and about five million people a year die as a result. Fixing this outrage through cheap and accessible technologi­es will have a greater impact on the quality of human life than the innovation­s associated with the iPhone 8. It is only ignorance of history that makes it appear more transforma­tive to give the poor a tablet than a toilet. Ever since technology began to transform human existence with unparallel­ed speed about 200 years ago, critics have warned that belief in the omnipotenc­e of ever-faster technologi­cal change could cause people to lose control of their lives and the ability to think for themselves. American essayist and poet Ralph Waldo Emerson worried that “Things are in the saddle / And ride mankind.” TS Eliot asked, “Where is the wisdom we have lost in knowledge? / Where is the knowledge we have lost in informatio­n?” Since the industrial revolution began, it has been recognised that the dangers of technology are amplified because innovation is always intertwine­d with commercial, political and national interests (no matter how pure the motive of the inventor). Recent revelation­s about the degree to which internet platforms exploit personal informatio­n for profit and power should not be a surprise. Computers and their offspring are ultimately just the latest artefacts employed by human beings in the unfolding drama of life on earth. We should be suspicious of determinis­t stories that confine us to the audience while rich boys show their tricks. A just, sustainabl­e and peaceful future relies on ordinary folk asserting their right to share the stage.

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