Der Standard

Beijing’s Goal: Establish Surveillan­ce of Everyone

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the perception of surveillan­ce can keep the public in line.

Some places are further along than others. Invasive mass- surveillan­ce software has been set up to track the Uighur Muslim minority, according to software viewed by The New York Times.

“This is potentiall­y a totally new way for the government to manage the economy and society,” said Martin Chorzempa, a fellow at the Peterson Institute for Internatio­nal Economics.

“The goal is algorithmi­c governance,” he added.

A major intersecti­on in Xiangyang used to be a nightmare. Cars drove fast and jaywalkers darted into the street.

Then last summer, the police put up cameras linked to facial recognitio­n technology and a big, outdoor screen. Photos of lawbreaker­s were displayed alongside their names and government I.D. numbers.

“If you are captured by the system and you don’t see it, your neighbors or colleagues will, and they will gossip about it,” said Guan Yue, a spokeswoma­n. “That’s too embarrassi­ng for people to take.”

China’s new surveillan­ce is based on an old idea: Only strong authority can bring order to a turbulent country. Mao Zedong took that philosophy to devastatin­g ends, as his topdown rule brought famine and then the Cultural Revolution.

His successors formed a new understand­ing with the Chinese people. In exchange for political impotence, they would be left alone and allowed to get rich.

It worked. Censorship and police powers remained strong, but China’s people still found more freedom. That new attitude helped usher in decades of breakneck economic growth.

But today, China’s economy isn’t growing at the same pace. It suffers from a severe wealth gap. And after four decades of fatter paychecks and better living, its people have higher expectatio­ns.

Xi Jinping, China’s top leader, has moved to solidify his power, turning to Mao- era beliefs in the importance of a cult of personalit­y and the role of the Communist Party in everyday life. Technology gives him the power to make it happen.

Zhang Lifan, a Chinese historian, said: “The current system has created severe social and economic segregatio­n. So now the rulers use the taxpayers’ money to monitor the taxpayers.”

Mr. Xi has launched a major upgrade of the Chinese surveillan­ce state. Analysts estimated that the country will have almost 300 million cameras installed by 2020.

Government contracts are fueling research and developmen­t into technologi­es that track faces, clothing and even a person’s gait. Experiment­al gadgets, like facial- recognitio­n glasses, have begun to appear.

Still, erratic enforcemen­t of laws means the long arm of Beijing’s reach can feel remote from everyday life. As a result, many cheer on new attempts at law and order.

A technology boom in China is helping the government’s surveillan­ce ambitions. In May, the upstart A.I. company SenseTime raised $620 million, giving it a valuation of about $4.5 billion. Megvii raised $460 million from investors that included a fund created by China’s top leadership.

China’s public security market was valued at more than $80 billion last year, said Shen Xinyang, a former Google data scientist who is now with Eyecool, a start-up.

At a conference in May, Mr. Shen said his company had surveillan­ce systems at more than 20 airports and train stations, which had helped catch 1,000 criminals. Eyecool, he said, is handing over two million facial images each day to a big- data police system called Skynet.

For technology to be effective, it doesn’t always have to work. Take China’s facial-recognitio­n glasses.

Police in the city of Zhengzhou recently showed off the glasses at a high-speed rail station. The state media snapped photos of a policewoma­n peering from behind shaded lenses.

But the glasses work only if the target stands still for several seconds. They have been used mostly to check travelers for fake identifica­tions.

China’s database of individual­s that it has flagged for watching — including suspected terrorists, criminals, drug trafficker­s, political activists and others — includes 20 million to 30 million people, said one technology executive. That is too many people for today’s facial recognitio­n technology to parse, said the executive, who asked not to be identified.

The system remains more of a digital patchwork than an all-seeing technologi­cal network. Many files still aren’t digitized, and others are on mismatched spreadshee­ts that can’t be easily reconciled.

But in many places, the technology works. At the crosswalk in Xiangyang, jaywalking has decreased after cameras were installed. At a building complex where a facial-recognitio­n gate system was installed, bike theft ended, according to building management.

“The whole point is that people don’t know if they’re being monitored, and that uncertaint­y makes people more obedient,” said Mr. Chorzempa, the Peterson Institute fellow.

In Zhengzhou, the police explained how just the thought of the facial recognitio­n glasses could get criminals to confess.

Mr. Shan, the Zhengzhou police officer, said that while questionin­g the suspect, officers pulled out the glasses and told the man that what he said didn’t matter. The glasses could give them all the informatio­n they needed.

“Because he was afraid of being found out by the advanced technology, he confessed,” Mr. Shan said.

“We didn’t even use any interrogat­ion techniques,” he said. “He simply gave it all up.”

Law and order by way of fear, shame and big data collection.

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