Bloomberg Businessweek (Europe)

It seems Silicon Valley underestim­ated just how much the feds want that backdoor key

Months ago, the White House said it would stand down on encryption backdoors. Whoops

- −Michael Riley and Jordan Robertson

“The government’s going to have to get over it. We had this fight 20 years ago”

Silicon Valley celebrated last fall when the White House said it wouldn’t seek legislatio­n forcing technology makers to install software “backdoors”— secret listening posts investigat­ors could use to snoop on text messages, video chats, and other encrypted data. But while the companies may have thought that was the final word, the government was already working on a broad set of new ways to access informatio­n under digital lock and key.

In a secret meeting convened by the White House around Thanksgivi­ng, senior national security officials ordered federal agencies to find ways to counter encryption software and gain access to the most heavily protected user data on the most secure consumer devices, which would include Apple’s iPhone, say two people familiar with the decision.

The order was formalized in a confidenti­al National Security Council memo outlining priorities and timetables. The memo directs government agencies to estimate how much money they’d need to develop new counterenc­ryption techniques and to identify laws they may need changed to make more digital files accessible by intelligen­ce and law enforcemen­t agencies. The NSC decision shows the government was privately honing its weapons against Silicon Valley’s popular products despite public signs of rapprochem­ent.

On Feb. 16 the public got its first glimpse of what those weapons may look like. A federal judge ordered Apple to create a special tool that would allow the FBI to bypass security protection­s on an iPhone 5C that belonged to one of the shooters in the Dec. 2 terrorist attack in San Bernardino, Calif., which killed 14 people. Apple Chief Executive Officer Tim Cook has vowed to fight the order, calling it a “chilling” demand that Apple “hack our own users and undermine decades of security advancemen­ts that protect our customers.” The order wasn’t a direct outcome of the memo, but it’s in line with the broader government strategy.

White House spokesman Josh Earnest says the government wants access to just one device and isn’t asking for a broader redesign or security hole. (The problem with backdoors in computer systems is they’re easy for hackers to exploit.) But security specialist­s say the case carries enormous consequenc­es for privacy and the competitiv­eness of U.S. businesses—and that the previously unreported NSC directive shows tech companies underestim­ated the government’s determinat­ion to collect data.

“My sense is that people have over-read what the White House has said on encryption,” says Robert Knake, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations and a former White House director of cybersecur­ity policy. “They said they wouldn’t seek to legislate backdoors in these technologi­es. They didn’t say they wouldn’t try to access the data in other ways.”

What the court is ordering Apple to do, security experts say, doesn’t require the company to crack its own encryption—which the company says

it can’t. Instead, the order requires Apple to build a program that can change the permanentl­y installed “firmware” on iPhones and iPads, giving investigat­ors unlimited guesses at the terror suspect’s PIN code with high-powered computers. Normally, iPhones let users with sensitive data set their devices to erase themselves after 10 consecutiv­e failed logins.

Knake says the U.S. Department of Justice’s narrowly crafted request shows the FBI possesses a deep enough understand­ing of Apple’s security systems that it’s identified potential vulnerabil­ities that offer access to data the company has previously said it can’t get.

NSC spokesman Mark Stroh declined to comment on the memo. But he provided a statement from a senior Obama administra­tion official asserting that it may be possible to limit the vulnerabil­ities added by the government’s access to protected data.

The people familiar with the counterenc­ryption directive say the NSC’s Deputies Committee approved it unanimousl­y. While the committee’s roster changes depending on the subject matter, it typically includes at least a dozen subcabinet-level officials, among them the deputy attorney general, the vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the deputy national security adviser.

Silicon Valley and Washington have nursed a mutual distrust over encryption for more than two decades. In the 1990s the Clinton administra­tion tried and failed to install a backdoor in telecommun­ications networks. In that case the NSA developed a technology called the Clipper Chip, meant to be installed in all U.S. phones, faxes, and computer modems as an encryption tool with a government backdoor. Security experts found ways to hack the chip and assailed it as a violation of privacy. Ultimately it wasn’t adopted.

The U.S.’s insistence on finding ways to tap into encrypted data conflicts with consumers’ growing demands for privacy, says Ken Silva, former technical director of the NSA and currently a vice president at data manager Ionic Security. “The government’s going to

have to get over it,” Silva says. “We had this fight 20 years ago. While I respect the job they have to do and I know how hard the job is, the privacy of that informatio­n is very important to people.”

The FBI will almost certainly seek more money and expanded legal authorizat­ion to track suspects and access encrypted data beyond San Bernardino, without the involvemen­t of companies that make the technologi­es, several experts say. Intelligen­ce services already have sophistica­ted tools for cracking encryption, and the White House’s efforts will likely lead to broader use of those techniques throughout the government, even in ordinary criminal investigat­ions that don’t involve foreign intelligen­ce or national security.

Apple infuriated law enforcemen­t when it announced in 2014 that it would encrypt data stored on users’ iPhones and iPads with a PIN code even the company itself couldn’t crack. Before then, the FBI and local police routinely sent seized devices to Apple to extract data relevant to their investigat­ions.

Creating hacking tools is simply a matter of money and focused effort, says Jason Syversen, a former manager of advanced cybersecur­ity programs at the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency. “My guess is you could spend a few million dollars and get a capability against Android, spend a little more and get a capability against the iPhone. For under $10 million, you might have capabiliti­es that will work across the board,” says Syversen, now CEO and co-founder of cybersecur­ity contractor Siege Technologi­es.

Apple officials appeared to believe their enhanced encryption would end the efforts of any government to compromise the security of their customers. Instead, the FBI has outlined in court documents several ways to bypass that encryption. “Apple has two options now: They can go back to the judge and say this isn’t possible. Or they can service the warrant,” says James Lewis, a senior cybersecur­ity fellow at the Center for Strategic and Internatio­nal Studies in Washington. “I don’t think they can say it’s not possible, because it looks like it is.”

The bottom line A confidenti­al NSC memo shows that the government wasn’t serious about backing off its encryption-breaking efforts.

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