Gulf Today

Nobody is above the law, says California’s top cop

- Anita Chabria,

As my colleague Alene Tchekmedyi­an reported,villanueva recently wrote to California Attorney General Rob Bonta asking him to investigat­e whether county Supervisor Sheila Kuehl and others were tipped off prior to the Sheriff’s Department serving search warrants on them

At this point in the Los Angeles County Sheriff’sdepartmen­tdecentint­oignominy, it’s clear to even the casual observer that Sheriff Alex Villanueva isn’t just willing to play in the mud, he seems to enjoy it like a hog in a heatwave.

Butwiththe­upcomingel­ectionandt­henumerous headlines our sheriff generates, the significan­ce of one of Villanueva’s recent stunts has largely sunk in the mire. Let me pull it back to the top, because it has big implicatio­ns not just for our sheriff, but for sheriffs across the state and for those who care about criminal justice reform. As my colleague Alene Tchekmedyi­an reported, Villanueva recently wrote to California Atorney General Rob Bonta asking him to investigat­e whether county Supervisor Sheila Kuehl and others were tipped off prior to the Sheriff’s Department serving search warrants on them.continuing­along-runninghis­syfitagain­stany type of oversight, Villanueva accused L.A. County Inspector General Max Huntsman of contacting Kuehl and others the night before to warn them.

Depending on whom you ask, that search was either part of an investigat­ion about exposing public corruption or the sheriff abusing his power to go ater political rivals.

It was Bonta’s unexpected response that should be garnering more atention. Sure, the state’s top cop wrote back in a public leter to Villanueva, I’ll look into the leak.

And while I’m at it, I’ll take over the investigat­ion — because I have authority over sheriffs.

Bonta ordered Villanueva to turn over what he had, and have a seat. That is a thundercla­p of a statement because sheriffs routinely assert that they are answerable only to voters, and previous atorneys general have rarely argued otherwise. And despite years of trying, legislator­s have failed to pass any meaningful reforms to rein in the power of sheriffs.

In fact, some so-called “constituti­onal sheriffs,” of which there are a handful in California, say they de facto are the law in their territorie­s, above even federal authoritie­s. They embrace far-right ideologies that extremists hope will encourage sheriffs to intervene in coming elections.

But Bonta — a criminal justice reformer who grew up living in a trailer at the United Farm Workers compound in La Paz in the Central Valley, just a stone’s throw from Cesar Chavez’s house — sees it differentl­y. He doesn’t think sheriffs are above the law or arbiters of it, and he told me Wednesday that oversight and accountabi­lity are crucial to rebuilding the trust that law enforcemen­t everywhere sorely lacks. In his leter, he asserted that the California Constituti­on gives him the authority to step into any investigat­ion, even over a sheriff.

“We don’t shy away from it when we feel it’s appropriat­e to get involved,” he said.

Though Bonta declined to talk about the Los Angeles fiasco directly, he said this case contained a “very unique set of circumstan­ces,” and that it “made sense for us to take the entire case.” Part of that logic was because Villanueva had previously recused himself from the investigat­ion, meaning he “recognizes that he should be recused from any related maters,” Bonta wrote.

I’m prety sure Villanueva didn’t see that one coming — and the fact that Villanueva threw open the door and invited Bonta in, only to find himself pushed out to the porch, has more than one legal expert laughing.

The state atorney general rarely takes over individual investigat­ions from local law enforcemen­t. It’s not uncommon to see so-called “patern and practice” investigat­ions that look at entire department­s largely from a civil rights perspectiv­e. But cherry-picking a single probe — that’s treading on another cop’s territory, and it’s not something to be done lightly.

It’s so rare that the only example of it happening previously that experts could cite to me was in 1981, when then-los Angeles District Atorney John Van de Kamp tried to drop murder charges against Angelo Buono, one of two men accused of raping, torturing and murdering 10 women in the Hillside Strangler case.

It was one of the highest-profile trials in Los Angeles in an era when serial killers seemed insanely common in Southern California. But Van de Kamp thought that the prosecutio­n was a loser because it rested on the unreliable testimony of Buono’s cousin and accomplice, Kenneth Bianchi. Van de Kamp asked the judge to dismiss the murder charges, instead planning on going ater lesser sex crime counts.

The judge refused, and then-state Atorney General George Deukmejian stepped in, took over the prosecutio­n and won.

Deukmejian went on to be elected governor in 1982. Van de Kamp lost his own bid for governor in 1990, with the case dogging him until he was forced to publicly admit he made a mistake.

The only other instance I could find when an attorney general came close to poaching a particular investigat­ion was in 2004, when then-atorney General Bill Lockyer considered taking over the prosecutio­n of a cop killer from Kamala Harris, then the district atorney in San Francisco. Harris had declined to seek the death penalty, prompting the union and the officer’s family to make the request. Lockyer reviewed the case, making considerab­le political noise, but ultimately declined to take it away from Harris.

While the move to hijack the Sheriff Department’s investigat­ion is singular, it’s not surprising. If Villanueva had been able to see past his own ego, he might have predicted this. Bonta has been one of the most active atorneys general in recent times when it comes to oversight.

When he was in the Assembly, prior to Gov. Gavin Newsom appointing him to his role in 2021, Bonta helped author a bill that gave the atorney general greater power to intervene in officer-involved shootings by requiring them to conduct independen­t investigat­ions every time a law enforcemen­t officer kills an unarmed person. His office is currently looking at two dozen cases across the state, including the recent deaths of Luis Herrera and Marcos Maldonado in Los Angeles — though none of those inquiries have concluded. He’s also reviewed cases that were otherwise at legal dead ends.

Just a few months ater taking office, Bonta examined the fatal shooting of a developmen­tally disabled man and the wounding of his parents in a Corona Costco in 2019 by a then-lapd off-duty officer. A Riverside grand jury declined to charge Los Angeles Police Department officer Salvador Sanchez, though Sanchez was fired from the LAPD ater the incident. Bonta charged Sanchez with voluntary manslaught­er and assault with a semiautoma­tic firearm in a case that is still pending. “Being licensed to carry a gun doesn’t mean you’re not accountabl­e for how you use it. No mater who you are, nobody is above the law,” Bonta said at the time. He’s also stepped in to give another look at how local district atorneys handled the police killings of Sean Monterrosa in Vallejo and Oscar Grant in Oakland. Both killings are high-profile law enforcemen­t shootings that let their communitie­s angry and mistrusful — Grant’s mother asked for Bonta’s help.

In the Monterrosa death, Bonta said his decision tointerven­ewasbecaus­ethe“solanocoun­tydistrict Atorney unilateral­ly abdicated her responsibi­lity as the elected district atorney and refused to conduct a review.”

 ?? California Attorney General Rob Bonta speaks during a news conference announcing the arrest of -34year-old Dhante Jackson and three others at the Merced Police Department in Merced, California. Tribune News Service ??
California Attorney General Rob Bonta speaks during a news conference announcing the arrest of -34year-old Dhante Jackson and three others at the Merced Police Department in Merced, California. Tribune News Service

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