Try hard not to cry, but the opposition is dead

Disclaimer: the following piece may be offending to politically sensitive readers. Reader’s discretion is advised. The author assumes no responsibility for the anger, anguish and pain it may cause. With all its glittering, but flattering intentions, like a fool’s gold, the opposition is dead. Perhaps as dead, as a doornail. I suppose we can suppose on the cause of its demise, we however, do not enjoy the same liberty to suppose on the uncontested fact that; it is dead. Permit me, therefore, to emphatically, solemnise its burial with this piece. For in this piece, may lie a befitting eulogy, for an opposition bloc that has been having scarcity of peace for some time; ultimately fragmenting into pieces. In this state of sordid sorrow and confusion, we are left searching frantically for answers. As to whether they will pick up the pieces and piece them together into a mosaic of a party or coalition, is between them and their egos. The way I see it, for the opposition bloc to be considered serious state power contenders, they need all- night prayer, cubic litres of anointing oil and other modern- day church paraphernalia to exorcise their stubborn political demons. The fragmentary nature of opposition parties, is historically inherent. It dates back to the 60s with the first formal political party, Botswana Peoples Party ( BPP) which split in 1963 with its Secretary General, Motsamai Mpho, forming Botswana Independence Party ( BIP). The trend became so fashionable in the opposition bloc, with the tumultuous, but nevertheless, most advertised split of Botswana National Front ( BNF) into Botswana Congress Party ( BCP). From there, one has to have Intel Core i9 memory to keep count of the multiple splits of the BNF, the latest being Botswana Labour Party in 2022. The dire situation in the opposition, is not helped anyhow by the impending split of Alliance for Progressives ( AP), which itself is a splinter of a splinter. This is further compounded by the ailing Botswana Patriotic Front ( BPF), which by any medical accounts, is having a very poor prognosis. In colloquial terms, the BPF is in its last days in the ICU. Their situation is aggravated by rumours that their patron, Ian Khama, is heavily pregnant with another baby. But honestly speaking, for the BPF, this demise, is a logical conclusion. It never exhibited any identity beyond being a hate club. The murky push- and- pull in the opposition bloc and inherent fissures in the ruling Botswana Democratic Party ( BDP) in competition for access to power, resources and patronage opportunities, have left us with a queer political ecology. It is an ecology, inherent with political contradictions; that has seen the opposition parties ‘ working hard’ to retain the BDP in power, and the BDP is working tirelessly to rid itself of state power. The current mess in the opposition, is yet another example of the contempt their elites have for state power. Instead of working on their commonalities to capitalise on the apparent lack of strategic direction from Masisi’s administration, the opposition is at each other’s jugular, choking each other to death. The resultant, is prolonged stay of the BDP in power. In its current shape and form, it would be treasonous to give opposition state power. Their leadership, has over the years, demonstrated their immaturity to lead. And unfortunately, in a democracy, the situation of the opposition determines the democratic character of institutions, as well as the broad balance of the pluralistic political system. Political pluralism is an inseparable part of democracy. Having a de facto one- party state, like in this case, is a very bad image for a country that prides itself as Africa’s longest uninterrupted democracy. The role of opposition in a democracy serves several functions, most importantly, constituting a counterweight to the ruling party. A functional opposition, therefore, makes it possible to guarantee transparent and responsible government, that truly serves public interest, rather than elites interests. Besides providing checks and balances on the ruling party’s programmes, decisions and actions, it has to offer political alternatives by developing its own programmes and proposing alternative solutions. Besides fairy tale and fantastical propositions, our opposition is very lacking in this regard. The opposition also represents the prospect of political change by democratic means: by its very existence, it contributes to genuine political pluralism, and through its actual participation in parliamentary life, its actions and its declarations, enable citizens to be offered a real and informed choice at election time. But with our opposition still clinging to the ‘ 2019 election rig’ myth, they are far from realising their full potential.