Mmegi

Politics of disinforma­tion in Africa

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Disinforma­tion campaigns seeking to manipulate African informatio­n systems have surged nearly four-fold since 2022, triggering destabilis­ing and anti-democratic consequenc­es. The proliferat­ion of disinforma­tion is a fundamenta­l challenge to stable and prosperous African societies. The scope of these intentiona­l efforts to distort the informatio­n environmen­t for a political end is accelerati­ng. The 189 documented disinforma­tion campaigns in Africa are nearly quadruple the number reported in 2022.

Actors driving sophistica­ted disinforma­tion attacks on African media ecosystems are taking advantage of the rapid expansion in the reach and accessibil­ity of digital communicat­ions to reshape the continent’s informatio­n systems at scales and speeds not possible through traditiona­l analogue platforms. There is a strong link between the scope of disinforma­tion and instabilit­y. Disinforma­tion campaigns have directly driven deadly violence, promoted and validated military coups, cowed civil society members into silence, and served as smokescree­ns for corruption and exploitati­on. This has had real-world consequenc­es for diminishin­g Africans’ rights, freedoms, and security.

This onslaught of purposeful obfuscatio­n comes as 300 million Africans have come onto social media in the past seven years. There are now more than 400 million active social media users and 600 million internet users on the continent. Africans who are online rely on social media platforms for consuming news at among the highest rates in the world. Social media users in Nigeria and Kenya are near the top of the globe in the number of hours per day spent on social platforms. They are simultaneo­usly the countries that report the most concern about false and misleading informatio­n.

Disinforma­tion campaigns have targeted every region of the continent. According to a study by Africa Centre for Strategic Studies, at least 39 African countries have been the target of a specific disinforma­tion campaign. Disinforma­tion tends to be concentrat­ed as half of the countries subjected to disinforma­tion (20 of the 39) have been targeted three or more times, up from just seven countries meeting that threshold in 2022. In addition, the study points out that African countries experienci­ng conflict are subject to much greater levels of disinforma­tion, facing a median of five campaigns, highlighti­ng the connection between instabilit­y and disinforma­tion.

Countries confrontin­g disinforma­tion typically face multiple disinforma­tion actors. At times, these actors amplify one another’s misleading narratives, while at others, they clash or stay in separate lanes. Nearly 60% of disinforma­tion campaigns on the continent are foreign state-sponsored to suit geopolitic­al interests of these foreign states. It is also very important to note that African elections provide prime opportunit­ies for disinforma­tion. Some employ mercenary teams. For example, one private Israeli group, dubbed ‘Team Jorge’, has reportedly implemente­d disinforma­tion campaigns to disrupt over 20 African elections since 2015.

Domestic actors have also increasing­ly integrated disinforma­tion into their political playbooks, notably during Kenya’s 2022 and Nigeria’s 2023 election. It is frustratin­gly disturbing that disinforma­tion is surging in African informatio­n spaces at a time when press freedom, a critical protective barrier against disinforma­tion, is in decline.

Legislatio­n targeting digital disinforma­tion has been used in many African countries as a pretext for harassing and detaining journalist­s. These disinforma­tion campaigns employ paid African influencer­s, digital avatars, and the circulatio­n of fake and out-of-context videos and photograph­s. These messages copy-and-paste from and are channelled through multiple channels.

West Africa is the region most targeted by disinforma­tion, accounting for nearly 40% of documented disinforma­tion campaigns in Africa. Roughly half of these attacks are connected to foreign state actors. These foreign state actors have inundated the Sahel with disinforma­tion since 2018 with 19 campaigns directed at Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger. All three countries have experience­d military coups foreign state-owned networks have helped prime and promote despite their abysmal track records. As described by fact-checkers in Mali, these campaigns are often “produced on an industrial scale” and have toxic impacts on the narratives circulated and tenor of online conversati­ons.

The second largest sponsor of disinforma­tion in the region are the military juntas in Mali and Burkina Faso. These regimes are isolated and increasing­ly dependent on Russian-backing to hold onto power. They apply a wide range of disinforma­tion techniques, while scapegoati­ng France, the United Nations, the Economic Community of West African States, and human rights groups. These regimes attempt to control the informatio­n space by cracking down on domestic journalist­s and banning reputable internatio­nal media outlets. Militant Islamist groups are a third major sponsor of disinforma­tion in West Africa. Nigeria is an illustrati­on of how these groups have used a variety of disinforma­tion tactics via local languages and closed networks (Telegram) to recruit and spread their messages.

All in all, the proliferat­ion of disinforma­tion is a fundamenta­l challenge to stable and prosperous African societies. The scope of these intentiona­l efforts to distort the informatio­n environmen­t for a political end is accelerati­ng. The 189 documented disinforma­tion campaigns in Africa are nearly quadruple the number reported in 2022. Given the opaque nature of disinforma­tion, this figure is surely an undercount.

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