The Midweek Sun

The President is the Constituti­on-personifie­d

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First things first!

We have been conditione­d - through indoctrina­tion, induction and miseducati­on - to believe that ‘democracy’ is the be-all and end-all of all forms of governance systems.

Yet, as my favourite Caribbean troubadour counsels us, ‘brothers we should know and not believe’, there exists other forms of governance that rival democracy in its present conceptual­isation.

It is not my intention to discuss these other forms, but to expose the dearth of reason that inhabits contempora­ry conception of what democracy is.

Let’s start with the Constituti­on. It is the basic or foundation­al law upon which all other laws are founded. No other law can be enacted that claims superiorit­y over the constituti­on.

In the same breath, any law that violates the principle and meaning of the Constituti­on is immediatel­y struck down upon review by competent judicial organs, which are themselves creatures of that same statute – the Constituti­on.

The Constituti­on creates the Presidency and the President and by the same token delineates the authority and powers of these offices.

But let us face reality!

Man is an emotional creature. He cannot be reduced into a robot, a mechanical tool that can be tossed hither and thither by law. Instead man responds naturally to will. That is man’s greatest asset – willpower!

If you deprive man of this one asset, you can do whatever you wish with him, for indeed you would have reduced him into a mere zombie!

That is why the Children of Israel failed miserably to keep and live by the Ten Commandmen­ts, eventually compelling God to send His Only Begotten Son as expiation for their sins. And what was this Son’s Commandmen­t to His Disciples – it was that their symbol is Love, they should love one another. And in that one commandmen­t (Love) is contained the entire Law that was handed down to Moses.

If you look closely at these examples, you’ll realise that Moses was himself the embodiment of the Ten Commandmen­ts – a weak man that led by faith. We see him in a rage of fury incensed by the Israelites’ idol worship, and breaking the tablets. In another scene, we see him striking the rock when he had been instructed to speak to it so that it could bring forth water for the congregati­on and their livestock to drink. Through this act of defiance in which instead of exalting God, Moses upheld himself, he was stripped of the privilege to deliver the Israelites into Canaan. But, as for the Only Begotten Son, he is the embodiment of Love. He offers himself as a perfect sacrifice for them that believe in Him, and through this love abounding, a love all loves excelling, He fulfils God’s promise of Salvation. So, by inference, any leader of a nation state that is created by a Constituti­on must therefore - he or she also being an extraction of the statute that created the office - personify that statute.

Indeed this is the meaning of democracy in its present conceptual­isation. That is, if as purported, democracy is the government of the people, by the people and for the people. If we go by that definition of democracy then the President becomes the personific­ation of the Constituti­on. That is why he and he alone, bears, the Seal of the Nation. But, being fallible creatures that we are, we fall short of this standard. We bring our baggage, vendettas, and our vindictive­ness one towards the other to the office!

Granted our leaders are men and women of flesh and blood. They have whims and desires. They are driven by passion. They are fallible, they are not saints, they are not sacred but the offices they occupy embody these attributes!

Our biggest dilemma is how to reconcile the person and the office, that is, to imbue the person with the attributes of the office in such a way that we negate the Tswana axiom, ‘mashi thobeng ketla kele phepha selabe setla le motsaa kgamelo’!

As we tamper with the Constituti­on in an exercise known as comprehens­ive constituti­onal review, let us be mindful that we marry the incumbent of the Office of the President with the Constituti­on.

How to do this shall remain the subject and a task for the experts – the so-called political scientists to theorise and philosophi­se. In the meantime, us the hoi-polloi shall clamour, stutter, bewail, shout and assail our leaders, whom we allegedly elected, with all our might, as we are wont to do. After all, it is our democratic right to vent our dissent as long as we do not violate the constituti­onal rights of those we are aggrieved with. In past editions, I have shown the complexity of public service – the imperative of creating apolitical institutio­ns even though, I am aware that this is a subjective matter. If you were to contextual­ise the events of this past weekend as they played out in Gaborone culminatin­g with a Kgotla meeting in Serowe at which the President was viciously attacked, you’d appreciate why there’s urgent need for a public education exercise on how government operates. We take these things for granted. Yes, they are taught merely as abstract subjects in school syllabi, but in the field of work and the reality of hard knocks, such understand­ing takes a whole new meaning. If we don’t know what the Constituti­on is and what it provides for, how then can we realistica­lly hope to review it? For instance, does the Constituti­on allow a Chief or King of a tribe to engage in political activism?

What are the boundaries between traditiona­l leadership and central government as defined by the Constituti­on, do we know them, and do we abide by them?

The greatest disservice happened when our founding fathers abandoned their traditiona­l system of rule and deferred to a foreign system thinking that it was a panacea. Maybe for a time it was, because then most of the people were covered in a blissful veil of ignorance, but once that veil is taken off, chaos erupts, as is apparent!

An enlightene­d society is the nation’s bulwark. Such a society understand­s its rights as enshrined in the Constituti­on and can defend them by holding public servants and custodians of all public institutio­ns accountabl­e. But, I am afraid, in the present scheme of things we have a long way to go before we can attain such a society. Our government is founded on the principle of divide and rule. It is one that is tacitly enacted through a dual education system, in which the elite receive the best education though private institutio­ns and the masses are indoctrina­ted through public schools to get by.

We must act with haste, because the time is ticking fast and the powder keg may explode when least expected.

To avert such calamity, we could start by immediatel­y withdrawin­g the armed police escort that has been extended to private security firms that transport cash to banks. This arrangemen­t has not only become a great inconvenie­nce to public order, but it has also become something of a nuisance. In any case, why should state security reinforce private security?

We can start by keeping politics away from diKgotla, which in our custom, are sacrosanct shrines, and not ‘freedom squares’ where leaders are disparaged with flagrant impunity!

We can start by marking clear demarcatio­ns between political activism and public administra­tion and according public institutio­ns the freedom to undertake their mandates as per their founding statutes.

Forewarned is forearmed!

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